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The mediaeval hospitals of Engiancl 



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THE ANTIQUARY'S BOOKS 

GENERAL EDITOR: J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A. 



THE MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS 
OF ENGLAND 




Cornell University 
Library 



The original of tliis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030334522 



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THE 

MEDIAEVAL HOSPITALS 
OF ENGLAND 



BY 



ROTHA MARY CLAY 



WITH A PREFACE BY 

THE LORD BISHOP OF BRISTOL 



WITH 78 ILLUSTRATIONS 



METHUEN & CO. 

36 ESSEX STREET W.C 

LONDON 

^ 



First Published in rgog 



DEDICATED TO 

FRANCES ARNOLD-FORSTER 

WITH GRATEFUL AFFECTION 



PREFACE 

WHEN the able author of this book asked me to 
write a Preface to a work on Hospitals, I replied 
that I must first see the sheets in proof. This was not 
due to any doubt of the ability of the writer, it was 
due to some doubt as to the adequacy of the material 
at her disposal. This doubt has been much more than 
removed. The mass of the material collected is remark- 
able. Still more remarkable is the evidence of the very 
large part played by Hospitals — in the widest senses of 
the word — in the social life of the people of this land in 
the earlier Middle Ages. For the fuller understanding of 
the social life of our ancestors, this book contributes 
information of the most luminous character. It will 
serve also as an example and pattern for young and 
earnest students of real history, the history of ordinary 
human beings rather than of generals and of kings. 
And it must be added that, although the division into 
numerous headings leads to frequent repetitions of the 
names and characters of institutions of the nature of 
Hospitals, it has the great advantage of reducing to 
order a mass of material which might under less careful 
treatment have had a chaotic appearance. As a book of 



viii PREFACE 

reference for readers and writers, this treatise on tlie 
Medieval Hospitals of England ought to hold a dis- 
tinguished place. 

G. F. BRISTOL 

July, igog. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Preface by the Lord Bishop of Bristol . . vii 

Introduction . . . ... xvii 

PART I 

CHAPTER I 

Hospitals for Wayfarers and the Sick . . . i 

CHAPTER n 
Homes for the Feeble and Destitute . . -15 

CHAPTER ni 
Homes for the Insane . . . . . 31 

CHAPTER IV 
The Lazar-House . . • • ■ 35 

CHAPTER V 
The Leper in England . . ... 48 

CHAPTER VI 
Founders and Benefactors . . . . 70 

CHAPTER VII 
Hospital Inmates . . . . . gi 

CHAPTER VIII 
Hospital Dwellings . . ... 106 

CHAPTER IX 

The Constitution . . . . . 126 



X MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

CHAPTER X 

The Household and its Members . . -143 

CHAPTER XI 
Care of the Soul . . . . . 158 

CHAPTER Xn 
Care of the Body . . . . . 167 

CHAPTER Xni 
Hospital Funds . . . . . . 178 

CHAPTER XIV 
Relations with Church and State . . -194 

CHAPTER XV 

Decline of the Hospitals . . . .212 

CHAPTER XVI 
The Dissolution of Religious Houses and its Effect 

UPON Hospitals . . ... 226 



PART II 

Hospital Patron-Saints . ... 244 

APPENDIX A 
Office at the Seclusion of a Leper . . . 273 

APPENDIX B 
Tabulated List of Foundations . . . 278 

Bibliography . . . ... 339 

General Index . . ... 343 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT 



* Asterisk denotes that buildings remain in mucli the same condition 
as shown. 

The seals are copied mainly from impressions in the British Museum. 



B. C. Boulter 


23 


J. Charles Wall 


29 


ditto 


■ 47 


ditto 


59 



1. St. John's Hospital, Oxford . . J. Charles Wall 

[After M. Paris, B.M. Roy. 14 C. vii. f. z2i.l 

2. A Pilgrim . ... ditto 

[B.M. 17 C. xxxviii. f. 39, xiv. cent.] 

3. Domus Conversorum, London . . ditto 

[Idem.] Home for Jews, founded 1232. Site occu- 
pied by Rolls Chapel, Chancery Lane. 

4. *Poor Priests' Hospital^ Canterbury 

[From Ancient Cities Series.] 

5. *The Bede-House, Stamford 

6. Seal of the Lazar-House, Mile End 

7. The Leper and the Physician 

[Trin. Coll. Camb. O.I. 20, by permission of the 
Librarian.] 
Represents, perhaps, the examination of a sus. 
pected person. 

8. Elias, a Leper-monk . . . ditto 

[Notes on Painted Glass in Canterbury Cathedral ; 
from window in the Trinity Chapel, partly new, 
partly fragments of old glass.] 

9. A Leper .... ditto 

[Exeter Pontifical, B.M. Lands. 451 f. 127 ; xiv. 
cent. MS., marginal sketch possibly xv. cent.] 

10. " The Memorial of Matilda the Queen " . ditto 

[After Matthew Paris, Hist. Major, Corp. Chr. Coll. 
Camb., MS. xvi, xxvi, by permission of the 
Librarian.] 
Memoriale Matildis regince scilicet hospitale 
Sancti Egidii quod est Londonitz. 

11. *Tomb of Rahere in St. Bartholomew's, 

Smithfield .... ditto 



64 



68 



71 



76 



xii MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



J. Loxton . 


• 89 


Charles Wall 


• 93 


ditto 


. 103 



ditto 


. 107 


ditto 


. 107 


ditto 


. 108 


ditto 


112 



12. Memorial Brass of John Barstaple 

[By kind permission of Mr. J. W. Arrowsmith.] 

13. *St. Bartholomew's Hospital, Bristol . S. 

[By kind permission of the Proprietor of the Western 
Daily Press. ] 

14. Seal of St. Bartholomew's, London . J. 

15. Seal of Knig-htsbridge Hospital . 

Depicts Blessed Virgin and Child with St. Leonard. 
Inscribed: Sigilluni: ospici set: Ufiart/ei?): 
ky light brigge. 

16. Seal of St. Alexis, Exeter 

17. Seal of St. John's, Exeter 

18. Seal of St. John's, Stafford 

19. Plan of St. Mary's, Chichester 

[Dollman's Domestic Architecture.] 

20. Plan of St. Nicholas', Salisbury . 113 

Drawn by Mr. J. Arthur Reeve, architect. By 
kind permission of Canon Wordsworth. 

21. Sherburn Hospital, near Durham . . . . 118 

[Hutchinson's Durham, 1787.] 
The gateway and chapel remain. 

22. Plan of St. Mary Magdalene's, Winchester . J. Charles Wall . 1 19 

[After Schnebbelie.l 

23. *Chapel of Abbot Beere's Almshouse, Glas- 

tonbury .... ditto . .124 

24. Seal of the leper-women of Westminster ditto . . 147 

25. *Ancient Hospital Altar at Glastonbury . . . . 165 

[By kind permission of Mr. George Gregory, Bath, 
from Rev. C. L. Marson's Glastonbury.] 

In the chapel of the almshouse founded or re- 
founded by Abbot Beere, 

26. A Leper with clapper and dish . . . • • I77 

[After a Miniature in the Bibl. de I'Arsenal, Paris, 
MS. 5060 ; xiii. cent. ; from La Vie Priv6e d' Autre- 
fois, "L'Hygiene," A. Franklin, 1890.] 

27. Document and Seal of Holy Innocents', 

Lincoln .... ditto . . 180 

[B.M. Harl. ch. 44 A. 29.] 

28. Alms-box, Harbledown Hospital . . ditto . . 192 

Erasmus dropped a coin into it on his visit to 
Harbledown. 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT xiii 



2g. *Bell-turret of St. Mary Magdalene's, Glas- 





tonbury 


. E. 


H. New . 


. 198 




[From Ancient Cities Series,] 








SC- 


Seal of St. Anthony's, London 
\Gent. Mag. 1784 ii.] 


- J- 


Charles Wall 


. 208 


SI- 


*Gateway of St. John's, Canterbury 
[From Ancient Cities Series.] 


. B. 


C. Boulter 


. 241 


32- 


Seal of St. Mary Magdalene's, Bristol 


- J. 


Charles Wall 


- 252 


33- 


Seal of St. Mark's, Bristol 




ditto 


■ 254 


34- 


Seal of St. Clement's, Hoddesdon 




ditto 


- 256 


35- 


Seal of St. Katherine's, Bristol . 




ditto 


260 


36. 


A Pilgrim's Sign 

[Collectanea Antigua.} 
Canterbury souvenir found at York. 


• 




- 265 



37. Seal of St. Bartholomew's, Rochester 



ditto 



271 



LIST OF PLATES 

FACING PAGE 

*Maison Dieu, Dover . . Frontispiece 

[Buck's engraving, 1735.] 

S.E. view of St. Mary's Hospital. The restored buildings form part of 
the Town Hall ; the chapel on the N.E. is used as a police-court. 

I. Refreshment for Wayfarers . . • • • 5 

["The Pilgrim." B.M. Tib. A. vii. f. 90, xv. cent.] 

II. *Pilgrims' Hospital, Canterbury . ... 8 

[Drawn by J. Raymond, engraved by Cook.] 

N. view of St. Thomas', Eastbridge. The windows are those of the 
chapel, rebuilt circa 1363. 

III. *St. John's, Canterbury . . ... 15 

[Idem.] The chapel exists, but altered. The hall contains charters, alms- 
box, account-books, etc. 

IV. ^Cloister of St. Giles', Norwich . . . . 24 

[Photograph, London and Co. Photo Press.] 

V. *Harbledown Hospital . . • • • 35 

[Drawn by Nelson, 1766, engraved by Cook.] 
Church remains, dwellings rebuilt ; hall contains ancient utensils, etc. 

VI. {a) St. Bartholomew's, Gloucester . , • ■ 73 

[From Lysons' Antiquities.] 
S.E. view. Hospital rebuilt temp. Henry III. 
{b) *St. IVIary's, Chichester . . ... 73 

[S. H. Grimm, B.M. Add. Burrell.] 

VII. *God's House, Southampton. . . ... 78 

[Woodward and Wilks, Hampshire.] 

St. Julian's Chapel and God's House Gate. 

VIII. ^Hospital of St. Cross . . ... 81 

[From Guide, J. Wilkes, 17S0.] 

The southern wing has disappeared. 

IX. The Death of Richard Whittington . . . . 82 

[Life of John Carpenter, by T. Brewer, p. 26 ; original in Mercers' Hall.] 

X. *HaUofSt. Cross, Winchester. , . . . no 

[Woodward.] 



LIST OF PLATES xv 

FACING PAGE 

XI. *St. Mary Magdalene's, Glastonbury . . . . 115 

(a) View from the West. [Drawn by E. H. New.] 
{b) Ground-plan. [Drawn by J. Charles Wall.] 

XII. St. GUes-in-the-Fields, London . . . . 117 

[From a map about 1566, B.M. Grace Collection.] 
(a) Plan of the Leper Hospital, {b) Church of St. Giles. 

XIII. *Ford's Hospital, Coventry . . . . . 121 

[Photograph by Frith.] 

XIV. The Savoy Hospital, London ... . 122 

[G.V. 1736, Vetusta IWonumenta.] 

XV, *Hospital of St. Nicholas, Salisbury . . . 129 

[Original drawings by J. Buckler, E.M. K. xliii.] 

(a) S.E. view; the present chapel is shown, and to the right a former 

chapel, now a kitchen. 

(b) W. view ; the weathering of the original porch is seen. 

XVI. {a) The Warden's House, Sherburn . . . 143 

[Original drawing by Grimm, B.M.] 

This residence was destroyed in 1833. 
(b) ^Gateway, Kepier . . . . 143 

[Surtees' Durham.] 
This fine gateway (1333-45) ^^^ ^ groined ceiling with beautiful bosses. 

XVII. *The Almshouse, Ewelme . . ... 151 

[Photograph by Taunt.] 

"The Pratie Hospitale of poore Men" with its "very fair Welle" 
was visited by Leland. 

XVIII. *St. Mary's, Chichester . . . .158 

[Photograph by Valentine.] 

XIX. St. Bartholomew's, Sandwich . ... 160 

[Drawn by G. Maxwell, engraved in W. Boys' CollecUons, 1787.] 
{a) Chapel, (b) Gateway. 

XX. The Beggrars' Dole . . . . . 170 

[Gentleman's Magazine, 1793, from stained glass.] 

Food distributed to the hungry ; one cripple uses a " stool " or support. 

XXI. St. Mary Magdalene's, Winchester . . . . 179 

[J. Schnebbelie, 1788, Vetusta Monumenta.] 
{a) Master's House and Chapel, {b) Chapel from West. 

A Norman doorway from this destroyed chapel was removed to 
St. Peter's Street. 

XXII. *St. Bartholomew's, Oxford . . , . 191 

[Drawn by HoUis, Gent. Mag,, 1833, i.J 
The chapel and buildings remain at Bartlemas Farm, Cowley Road. 



xvi MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



FACING PAGE 

XXIII. *St. John's, Wilton . . ... 205 

[Original drawings by J. Buckler, B.M.] 
{a) S.E. view, {b) N. view. 

The "Priory" is still picturesque and ivy-clad. The walls are of 
flints, with large quoins; the original buttresses and windows 
remain. The chapel (a) is in use. 

XXIV. *St. Leonard's, York (ambulatory) . . .227 

XXV. *St. Leonard's. York (chapel) . . . . 232 

XXVL *The Almshouse, Abingdon . . ... 235 

[Photograph by Taunt.] 
Now called Christ's Hospital. 

XXVn. St. Mary's, Newcastle . . ... 247 

[After lithograph, J. Storey, 1844; reproduced by permission of the 
Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, from Transactions, 1892. ] 

XXVIIL {a) St. Petronilla's, Bury St. Edmunds . . . 256 

{b) ^Lepers' Chapel, Dunwich . ... 256 

XXIX. The Hospitality of St. Julian . ... 259 

[By Cristofano Allori, Palazzo Pitti, Florence, photograph by Brogi.] 

XXX. {a) Spital-on-the-Street . . ... 264 

[S. H. Grimm, B.M.] 
[h) *St. Edmund's, Gateshead . ... 264 

[Idem,] The chapel was hmXtcirca 1247, and restored 1837 ; now Holy 
Trinity Church, High Street. 



INTRODUCTION 

' 'And to relief of lazars ajid weak age. 
Of indigent faint souls, past corporal toil, 
A htindred almshouses, right well supplied." 

(Shakespeare: Henry V,, i. i.) 

WHILE we are justly proud of our institutions for 
the amelioration of the lot of the infirm and desti- 
tute, we are apt to forget that they are not the 
outcome of any modern philanthropic movement, but 
are rather England's inheritance for above a thousand 
years. 

Much has been written of the regular monastic houses. 
These are situated, as it were, upon the high-roads of 
ecclesiastical history ; but comparatively little attention 
has been paid to the existence and development of 
the foundations known as "Hospitals." Although it 
is with some trepidation that we tread the less-frequented 
by-paths of history, an attempt will be made in this volume 
to illustrate the place of the hospital in pre-Reformation 
times, and by this means to secure a fuller recognition of 
the widespread activity of the Church of England in 
former days. Hospitals played an important part in the 
social life of the Middle Ages, and from the study of them 
much may be learnt of the habits of a distant past. 

At the outset it will be well to make clear what the 
hospital was, and what it was not. It was an ecclesiastical, 
b 



xviii MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

not a medical, institution. It was for care rather than 
cure : for the relief of the body, when possible, but pre- 
eminently for the refreshment of the soul. By manifold 
religious observances, the staff sought to elevate and dis- 
cipline character. They endeavoured, as the body decayed, 
to strengthen the soul and prepare it for the future life. 
Faith and love were more predominant features in hospital 
life than were skill and science. 

It will surprise many to learn that — apart from actual 
monasteries and friaries — there existed upwards of 750 
such charitable institutions in Mediteval England.^ 
To appreciate the relative magnitude of this number, 
it must be remembered that the total population was 
smaller than that of London at the present day. The 
fact proves that clergy and laity were battling bravely 
with social problems. There existed a sense of responsi- 
bility, causing real charitable effort, although mediaeval 
methods may appear mistaken in the light of modern 
scientific and economic principles. 

The study of these ancient charities calls attention to 
the following points. The first is the extent of leprosy in 
England. There are, indeed, conflicting opinions con- 
cerning the prevalence of the disease, but it is certain 
that the figure mentioned above includes over 200 hospitals 
occupied at one time by lepers. Secondly, a number of the 
early foundations were in the main houses of hospitality 
for strangers ; and this testifies to the widespread 
practice of pilgrimage. There were also general hos- 
pitals in which temporary and permanent relief was 

^ Nearly 800 are set down in the appended list, but some are uncertain. 



INTRODUCTION xix 

given to needy persons of all sorts and conditions. Some 
were very small institutions, mere cottage-hospitals. It 
is often impossible to ascertain the character of an ancient 
charity. As long ago as 1594, it was reported con- 
cerning St. Edmund's, Gateshead: "the poor . . . are 
and have been indifferently of both kindes as men and 
women ; but whether sicke or wholl, lepers or way 
fairinge, so they be poore, needie, and indigente, is note 
respected." On the other hand, in the case of large 
towns, hospitals were often differentiated. Situated in the 
main street, perhaps, was an infirmary-almshouse for the 
sick and helpless ; near a frequented gate stood a hostel 
for passing pilgrims and others ; outside the walls there 
would be at least one leper-hospital. 

It is not possible to be precise in chronology, or even 
to give approximate dates. In Chantry Surveys there is 
often a memorandum that no foundation can be shown, 
this being lost in obscurity, and the house founded " be- 
fore time of memory." Probably the earliest authentic 
fact relating to charitable houses other than monasteries 
is that concerning the Saxon hospital at York, for al- 
though, in the words of Canon Raine, "its beginning is 
enveloped in an atmosphere of historical romance," the 
munificence of Athelstan enables us to date its origin 
about the year 937. 

The year 1547 serves as a useful limit to our period, and 
may well for the purposes of this book denote the close 
of the Middle Ages in England. Its selection in no way 
implies a lack of continuity in the Church with which 
every hospital was intimately associated, — yet it marks 



XX MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

a time of transition. Ciiarity was crippled for a time by 
the confiscations of endowments designed for the relief 
of the destitute, until a new generation of philanthropists 
arose and endeavoured to replace them. Thomas Fuller 
truly says, "the reformed Religion in England hath 
been the Mother of many brave Foundations." To sup- 
port this he instances certain famous hospitals, as that at 
Warwick, built by the Earl of Leicester (1571) ; Croydon, 
by Archbishop Whitgift (1596); Guildford, by Arch- 
bishop Abbot (before 161 7), and Sutton's Charterhouse 
(161 1). There is, indeed, no fundamental difference be- 
tween the earlier and later almshouses of the sixteenth 
century. The author of A History of English Philan- 
thropy gives two reasons for using the period of the 
dissolution of monasteries as a starting-point. "It was 
then," he says, "that modern problems began to formu- 
late themselves with great precision ; and charity was 
then ceasing to be under the immediate direction and 
tutelage of the Church." For the same reasons, the year 
1547 is here used to conclude the earlier philanthropic era. 
A tabulated list of hospitals will be found in Appen- 
dix B. Additions and corrections are earnestly invited 
by the author, as local and particular knowledge is re- 
quired to make it accurate and exhaustive. From this 
list are excluded such infirmaries as formed an integral 
part of a monastic house ; but in cases where some abbey 
maintained a separate institution outside its gates (with 
distinct constitution, separate dedication-name, and some- 
times a separate seal), the foundation is set down as a 
hospital. The institutions known as Colleges have no 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

place unless, indeed, they maintained bedemen. The 
"House of Converts" does, however, rightly belong to 
our subject, for it was an almshouse and industrial home. 
" Hospitals " of the Orders of the Temple and St. John 
of Jerusalem are excluded, because they differ in 
character, although the work they carried on was partly 
the same. Moreover, as they formed part of great 
societies, famous in and beyond Europe, they have their 
own historians. Houses of the Knights of St. Lazarus 
must, however, consistency notwithstanding, find a 
place, because any account of relief provided for lepers 
would be incomplete if that comparatively small Order 
were passed over. "Hospital" was a wide-embracing 
term, and the occasional application of the word to 
religious foundations of one kind or another has not 
always been accounted a reason for their inclusion. 

The history of many houses is obscure, limited in some 
cases to a single reference. The great scholars Bishop 
Tanner and Sir William Dugdale reaped harvests, which 
are garnered in their Monasticons ; yet even a humble 
student may now glean after them by means of the in- 
valuable printed Calendars of the Public Record Office. 
The labours of the Historical Manuscripts Commission 
are likewise fruitful. Wills are useful as showing the 
period up to which these institutions had popular support. 
Although Appendix B was mainly compiled before 
the issue of the Victoria County History, certain shires 
have received several additions from that great work, the 
forthcoming volumes of which will doubtless supplement 
the present list. Episcopal archives throw light upon 



xxii MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

hospital-life, as upon every department of ecclesiastical 
history ; fresh information and confirmatory evidence 
about which will be forthcoming when, by means of the 
Canterbury and York Society and other Record Societies, 
more Registers become accessible. It is much to be 
desired that local Archaeological Societies should take up 
and develop the history of particular houses. It is 
difficult to ascertain which ancient charities still con- 
tinue, but an attempt has been made to record approxi- 
mately in the appended table such endowments as now 
exist. 

Grateful thanks are due to those who have assisted 
the writer in her task. And first, to the Lord Bishop of 
Bristol, whose kind offer to contribute the Preface to 
this volume is only the latest proof of the ever-helpful 
interest he has taken in the whole work. Mention must 
also be made of Mr. R. C. Fowler, of the Public 
Record Office, who, after personally examining the 
List of Foundations, gave hints for its improvement. 
The Rev. C. S. Taylor, f.s.a. and the Rev. Canon 
Wordsworth have given invaluable assistance, particu- 
larly by the translation of the Office found in Appendix 
A. In various ways help has been rendered by Miss 
Arnold-Forster, Professor G. H. Leonard, Mr. W. F. 
Rawnsley, and by friends and correspondents too numer- 
ous to mention. Lastly, it remains for the writer to 
acknowledge her indebtedness to the Rev. Dr. Cox, 
General Editor of the Series, without whose kindly en- 
couragement she would never have ventured to go 
beyond a private study of the subject in hand. 



d (Kopkntt. 
CL ^ijr, il pran iron, iitljo Ijatlj of ijDU rclefe ? 

d f orter. 
d. forsotlj tiTEJ tt»at bfi at sitrljE miisrljEfe 
®ljat for tljcyr Illuming ran iJo no labour 

^nh Ijauc no frrnies to ha tljEnt soronr 
^a olit people ache anti impotent 

^oore inomen in tljgltibetr l^^aue Irere easement 
Mejke men sore toonntretr ]j]r great injolcnce 

^n& sore men eaten taitlr poekes anti pestglenee 
^ntr Ijonest folkc fallen in great pouerte 

§5 miseljaunre or otJjer infgrmgtc 
Mag faring men an& magmeir soultiirours 

^ane tljcjr relgef in tliia poorc Ijous of oxtrs 
^ntt all otljer inlrielj inc seme gootr antr plajine 

^ane bere loiggng for a ttiigljt or ttaaiine 
^eitreti folke, anii snclje as ran not eranc 

in tkese plaees moost relief tlje^ kaue 
^ntr gf tlre|j Ijap toitkin our plaee to iije 

®katt are tkej burijeti itiell ani konestln 
gut not eucrg unseke stoborne knauc 

JFor tijan hie skolit ouer many Ijaue. 

' From The liye way to the Spyttell hous (circa 1536), in which Robert 
Copland speaks with the Porter of a London hospital, probably St. Bar- 
tholomew's. 



MEDIAEVAL HOSPITALS OF 
ENGLAND • 

PART ONE 



CHAPTER I 
HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS AND THE SICK 

^^ Founded for the maintenance of poor pilgrims and other infirm persons 
resorting thither to remain until they are healed of their infirmities.'*' 

'■^ For the poor ^ for persons going to Rome, for others coming to Canterbury and 
needing shelter, and for lying-in women.'' (St. Thomas', Canterbury,) 



THE earliest charitable 
institutions of England 
were houses of hospi- 
tality. In sketching the de- 
velopment of these guest- 
houses we must bear in mind 
-, that the hospital (derived from 











c 


1 




r 






^ 






fei^S^ 


ti It 






^^f'^^ 


^^ 


^ 


..;.M 


* 


*«■ 


k.m 


m 


I 1 



.. ST. JOHN'S HOSPITAL, OXFORD hospcs , 3. host Or gucst) was 
a wayside shelter for all comers. 

FIRST PERIOD (circa 925-1170) 

Travellers were exposed to peril by the rudeness of the 
times, but in those early days hospitality was regarded as 
a solemn obligation. To receive any stranger was a 



2 MEDIAEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

duty : to welcome the passing pilgrim was a sacred privi- 
lege. Although the private entertainment of guests was 
widely practised, some public institutions were required. 
Tradition tells of at least two "hospitals" or hospices 
founded in the tenth century (925-940). Both were in 
Yorkshire/ one being in the distant country parts, the 
other in the populous town. At Flixton in Holderness 
was a house of refuge " to preserve travellers from being 
devoured by the wolves and other voracious forest 
beasts."^ The city of York, on the other hand, was so 
great a place of thoroughfare that it was impossible to 
entertain all who came. Athelstan, recognizing that the 
Canons of the Minster were men of holy life, active in 
helping the needy who flocked to them, assisted them 
in their hospitality by the foundation of St. Peter's 
hospital. 

Two other early houses of charity are ascribed to the 
Saxon bishops Oswald and Wulstan of Worcester. In 
the eleventh century at least we emerge from tradition, 
for it seems clear that St. Wulstan founded that hospital 
near his cathedral city which afterwards bore his name. 
It will be remembered that bishops were especially bound 
by their vows at consecration to be given to hospitality. 
In pre-Norman days, the solemn question was in sub- 
stance what is asked to-day : "Wilt thou shew mercy and 
kindness, for the name of the Lord, to the poor, the 
stranger, and all in want?" {pauperibus et peregrinis 
omnibusque indigentibiis). To this the elected bishop re- 

' There were probably other Saxon hospitals. Leland notes the tra- 
dition that St. Giles', Beverley, and St. Nicholas', Pontefract, were founded 
" afore the Conquest." 

' Dugdale, charter temp. Henry VI. 



HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS 3 

plied, "I will." This formula occurs in the Exeter 
Pontifical, compiled about nine hundred years ago, and 
is repeated in Osmund's Sarum Use. 

There were, of course, pilgrims among those who 
sojourned in early hostels. Englishmen have always 
loved travel. Not only did our Saxon forefathers journey 
to Rome (receiving shelter by the way in hospitals of 
English foundation), but they constantly visited their 
national shrines. Probably a fresh impetus was given to 
pilgrimage by the coming of the Normans. Monastic 
life was strengthened, and this was a guarantee of hos- 
pitality. "Guests are to be received as if they were 
Christ Himself," said the rule of St. Benedict. In the 
century after the Conquest, as in those which preceded it, 
the chief works of mercy were done in the monastery. 
There was the hospitium within the abbey-gate, as at 
St. Mary's, York; and the "Strangers' Hall" at 
Winchester. Then followed the shelter outside the 
walls, as at Battle, referred to {circa 1076) as "the 
house of the pilgrims which is called the hospital." 
During the twelfth century more independent foun- 
dations became common. All sorts and conditions 
of men were lodged — wayfarers, invalids, and even 
lepers. 

About the year 1148, St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, 
was the resort of sick pilgrims, of whom "many and 
innumerable were schewid tokynnys of myracles." The 
patients who flocked to the famous shrine and hospital 
were " langwissyng men greuyd with uariant sorys "; one 
sought " remedie of his akynge hede," another suffered 
from " bleriednes of yen" (eyes), and yet another from 
"ryngyng of his erys." Victims of the falling sickness 



4 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

(epilepsy), paralysis, dropsy, fevers, insanity, found 
relief; deaf and dumb were healed; a child born blind 
received sight from " the heuenly leche." 

Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, about 1141, in- 
vited help for "the hospital house of Dover, which two 
brethren, Osbern and Godwin, are diligently building for 
the reception of the poor and strangers." This hospital 
of St. Bartholomew (Buckland) was also used for lepers. 
The need of further provision for travellers was felt, and 
a benefactor made extensive grants on condition that a 
house was provided for the reception of needy people 
disembarking from ships: before 1163 reference is made 
to the hospitium for strangers. It was doubtless fre- 
quented by voyagers returning from the Crusades ; but 
before long an event occurred which brought multitudes 
to Dover, and then the old hospital proving insufficient, 
became chiefly the resort of lepers, and a new Maison 
Dieu was built near the quay. (See Frontispiece.) 

SECOND PERIOD {circa 1 170-1270) 

The year 1170 marks an epoch, ushering in the great 
pilgrimage within and towards England. When the 
shrine of St. Thomas of Canterbury became the goal of 
pious wayfarers it was necessary to find accommodation 
for them. The hospitals of Canterbury and Southwark 
bearing the martyr's name were among the earliest. 
Within a few years such houses (often called Domus Dei) 
were founded in most of the southern ports and along the 
Pilgrims' Way, as at Dover, Ospringe, and Maidstone. 
At Strood "the poor, weak, infirm and impotent, as well 
neighbouring inhabitants as travellers from distant 



PLATE 1 









Htl¥ 









^n:^: 



-. ■hj.:.:.t; is>r?M-l!arr g § ^ g a § 




HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS 5 

places," were cared for " until they die or depart healed." 
Norfolk, like Kent, was studded with houses of charity, 
especially near the highway to Walsingham. Thirteen 
pilgrims were lodged at Bee, near Billingford. At 
Thetford there was a hospital near the passage 
of the river. Among other early hostels we may 
enumerate those of Newcastle, Hexham, Ripon, Stam- 
ford, Aynho, London (St. Mary's), Bridgwater, and 
Ledbury. 

The hospital was a guest-house and infirmary in one. 
That on the outskirts of Oxford was called in a charter 
{circa 1 194) Herebergeria Hospitalis S. Joh. Bapt. ; in 
1233 this was refounded (Fig. i) "that therein infirm 
people and strangers might receive remedy of their health 
and necessity." The inmates of St. Nicholas', Salisbury, 
are described as passengers {transeuntes) and as sick 
and infirm {egroti et infirmi). The same two-fold work 
of charity was carried on at Chichester, as shown by 
St. Mary's statutes : — 

" If anyone in infirm health and destitute of friends should 
seek admission for a term, until he shall recover, let him be 
gladly received and assigned a bed. ... In regard to the 
poor people who are received late at night, and go forth 
early in the morning, let the warden take care that their 
feet are washed, and, as far as possible, their necessities 
attended to." 

There is a MS. in the British Museum entitled The 
Pilgrim. It is an allegorical poem in the manner of the 
"Pilgrim's Progress," and sets forth the adventures of 
the traveller. The illustration (PI. I) and description 
were probably taken from experience of earthly pil- 
grimage. "Charity" is seen welcoming strangers. 



MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



at which work she was always busy in medijeval 

England : — 

" And I suppose for my beste 
There to herborewe and to reste 
On ther cam and preyed me 
And her name was Charite 
To pylgrymes in goodly wyse 
Sche dyde moste trewely the seruyse 
With chere benygne and glad uysage 
She brought hem to ther herbergage."^ 

Among shrines which the pious Englishman visited may 
be mentioned Bury St. Edmunds, Westminster, Durham, 
Beverley, St. Albans, Waltham.'^ 

THIRD PERIOD (127O-I470) 

(a) Pilgrimage and Vagrancy. — The greatest century 
of pilgrimage was past, but vagrancy was an ever- 
increasing problem, and inasmuch as 
it affected the social life of England, it 
affected hospitals, directly or indirectly. 
In the Statute of Labourers, drawn up 
in 1350, an attempt had been made to 
restrain desultory wandering, idleness, 
mendicancy and indiscriminate alms- 
giving. This was followed by many 
ordinances, local and general. By a 
proclamation in 1359 the municipal 
authorities of London de- 
clared that such unworthy 
beggars "do waste divers 
2. A PILGRIM ^jjj^g^ which would otherwise 
be given to many poor folks, such as lepers, blind, halt, 

1 Cott. Tib. A., vii. f. 90. 

'^ See also J. C. Wall, Shrines of British Saints in this Series. 




HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS 7 

and persons oppressed with old age and divers other 
maladies." In 1369 they issued a precept "for mendi- 
cants, vagrants and pilgrims to leave the city." The 
Statute of Westminster (1383) ordered inquiry concern- 
ing vagabonds "wandering from place to place, running 
in the country more abundantly than they were wont in 
times past." The Act of 1388 declared that those who "go 
in pilgrimage as beggars " when fit for employment, 
should be dealt with according to the previous Statute. 
It will be observed that these measures were framed from 
an economic standpoint, not to check pilgrimage as such. 

Although pilgrimage was declining, there were still 
many pilgrims. Some of these were professional palmers, 
and hirelings fulfilling vows by proxy ; for there are 
numerous bequests in the fourteenth century to persons 
undertaking journeys on the testator's behalf to Canter- 
bury, Walsingham, and Bury St. Edmunds, as well as to 
St. James of Compostella, Rome, or the Holy Land. 
The special "Jubilee" at Canterbury in 1420 was attended 
by 100,000 persons, and in 1434 thousands set sail for 
Compostella. 

(b) Provision for temporary relief. — Existing houses of 
hospitality were kept up, but a growing tendency to 
discriminate amongst applicants may be noticed. In 
many cases more beds were reserved for chronic invalids 
than for casual comers. St. Thomas' hospital, Canter- 
bury, carried on its old work, but the renewed statutes 
of Archbishop Stratford (1342) direct "that poor pilgrims 
in good health shall be entertained only for one night . . . 
that greater regard shall be had for the sick than for the 
well pilgrims." With some diplomacy it describes itself, 
in a petition to the Pope, as designed "for persons going 



8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

to Rome {Romipete), for others coming to Canterbury 
and needing shelter,"^ etc. 

The chief building period was over, as far as this par- 
ticular kind of temporary provision is concerned, but one 
or two new foundations must be mentioned. St. John's, 
Winchester, was built about 1275 "for the relief of sick 
and lame soldiers, poor pilgrims, and necessitous way- 
faring men, to have diet and lodging thereto fit and con- 
venient for one night or longer, as their abilities to travel 
gave leave." In 1393, the Bishop of Ely offered an in- 
dulgence to persons contributing to the sustentation of 
a hospital at Brentford, which consisted of a chapel, 
newly constructed, "with two houses built there, fur- 
nished with beds and other necessaries for the entertain- 
ment of poor travellers." The old hospital at Brackley 
was reconstituted for the same purpose (1425). It was, 
however, suppressed sixty years later, because hospitality 
was being neglected. 

One special form of temporary relief came to the front 
about this time. The assistance of women in childbirth 
was named in the Petition and Statute of 1414 as part of 
the recognized aim and scope of hospital charity. The 
heading to this chapter alludes to the work undertaken at 
St. Thomas', Canterbury, in 1363. The foundation deed 
of Holy Trinity, Salisbury, sets forth that "lying-in 
women are cared for until they are delivered, recovered 
and churched." The Spital near Blyth was newly con- 
structed in 1446 for the lodging of strangers and distressed 
women. 

It is recorded that the two London infirmaries of St. 
Mary without Bishopsgate and St. Bartholomew under- 

' Cal. Pap. Letters, 4, p. 36. 



PLATE II 




> 
P 

2 

•A 






,-1 
< 



o 



HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS 9 

took this work ; in both institutions the touching provision 
was made that if the mother died, her child should be 
brought up there until the age of seven. ^ In the year 1437 
privileges were granted to the latter hospital "in con- 
sideration of their great charges in receiving the poor, 
feeble and infirm, keeping women in childbirth until 
their purification, and sometimes feeding their infants 
until weaned." William Gregory, a citizen of London, 
describing in his commonplace book various foundations, 
says of " Bartholomewe ys Spetylle" : — 

" Hyt ys a place of grate comforte to pore men as for hyr 
loggyng, and yn specyalle unto yong wymmen that have mysse 
done that ben whythe chylde. There they ben delyueryde, and 
unto the tyme of puryfycacyon they have mete and drynke of the 
placys coste, and fulle honestely gydyd and kepte." 

General hospitals for the sick were thus in process of 
development. St. Bartholomew's was steadily fulfilling 
its founder's vow to provide a place for the " recreacion of 
poure men." After three and a half centuries of useful- 
ness, a roll of 1464 records with approbation "works done 
within the hospital in relief of poor pilgrims, soldiers, 
sailors and others of all nations." 

FOURTH PERIOD {ct'rca I47O-1547) 

{a) It is evident that pilgrimage was no longer an 
important factor in the social life of the country. The 
daily resort to shrines had practically ceased, but the 
special anniversaries were kept. Such pious travellers as 
there were, lodged chiefly in inns. At Glastonbury a 
Pilgrims' Inn was built by Abbot John, about the year 
'475) to accommodate those visiting the holy places of 

' Close Rolls 1344, 1353. 



lo MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

St. Joseph of Arimathaea and St. Dunstan. A later abbot, 
Richard Beere, writing to Archbishop Warham to defend 
the genuineness of St. Dunstan's relics, stated that 
people had come from far and near to visit the new shrine, 
especially upon St. Dunstan's Day (1508).! Although 
the regular stream of pilgrims to Canterbury was no 
longer seen day by day, the great " Jubilee " celebrations 
were popular, the last one being kept in 1520. At that 
time the needs of visitors were met by special provision, 
a post being set up in the main street with "letters 
expressing the ordering of uitell and lodyng for pyl- 
grymes." Probably the bailiffs and citizens made all 
arrangements for bed and board as they had done in 1420. 
Vagrancy still constituted an increasingly grave pro- 
blem. By "An Acteagaynst vacaboundsand beggers,"in 
1495 (re-enacted 1503), previous legislation was amended 
and "every vagabound heremyte or pilgryme," partially 
exempt hitherto, was henceforth compelled to fare like 
wandering soldier, shipman or university clerk. In a 
letter from Henry VIII to the Mayor of Grimsby it is 
observed that the relief of the impotent is much diminished 
by the importunate begging of the sturdy and idle, and it 
is required that measures be taken "that the weedes over 
growe not the corne."" The Statutes became increasingly 
stern, and able-bodied beggars were scourged with the lash 
from town to town by the Act of 1 530-1. But "the greatest 
severities hitherto enacted were mild in comparison with 
the severe provisions of the enactment " of the first year 
of Edward VI (1547). If the young king's father had 
literally chastised beggars with whips, his own coun- 
sellors desired that they should be chastised with scor- 

1 Chron. and Mem. 63, p. 434. ^ ^ist. MSS. 14th R. (8) 249. 



HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS n 

pions. They might be reduced to the condition of 
slaves : their owners might put a ring round their necks 
or limbs, and force them to work by beating and chains, 
whilst a runaway could be branded on the face with a 
hot iron.i This brutal law was repealed two years later. 

(b) Where towns were few and far between, the need of 
shelter for strangers was especially felt. Extensive works 
of hospitality were done by religious houses, particularly 
in the northern counties. That fresh provision, although 
on a small scale, was still made for shelter, indicates its 
necessity. When an almshouse was built at Northallerton 
(1476), accommodation was made not only for thirteen 
pensioners, but for two destitute and distressed travellers, 
who should stay a night and no longer. A hostel solely 
for temporary shelter was founded at Durham (1493). One 
Cuthbert Billingham directed the provision of eight beds 
in a " massendeue or spittel," where "all poore trauellyng 
people ther berbery or logyng asking for the loue of 
Gode shall be herbered and logide." In Westmorland, 
a little hospital, with two beds for passers-by, was built 
by John Brunskill at Brough-under-Stainmoor (1506): it 
was situated on the pass into Yorkshire. 

At seaports and in places of thoroughfare, shelter was 
still provided for travellers. God's House, Southampton, 
expended ;f28 annually upon "daily hospitality to way- 
farers and strangers from beyond the sea," and similar 
charity was provided at Dover. Leland describes St. 
Thomas', Canterbury, as "An Hospital within the Town 
on the Kinges Bridge for poore Pylgrems and way faring 
men." At Sandwich there was a " Harbinge " attached 
to St. John's almshouse. Provision was made for lodgers, 

^ C. J. Ribton-Turner, J'aifranfs and Vagrancy^ 1887. 



12 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

and the buildings included "the chambre of harber for 
strange wemen, the gentilmen chambre and the long 
harbur chamber " (1489). The town authorities ordered 
"that no persons do harbour beggars, who are to resort 
to St. John's Hospital" (1524). 

The existing provision for temporary relief was in fact 
wholly inadequate. In the metropolis, for example, there 
was a crying need. It was stated by Henry VII in 1509 
that :— 

"there be fewe or noon such commune Hospitalls within 
this our Reame, and that for lack of them, infinite nombre of 
pouer nedie people miserably dailly die, no man putting hande 
of helpe or remedie." 

The king, recognizing the need, planned to convert the 
old Savoy Palace into a magnificent institution (PI. XIV) 
in which "to lodge nightly one hundred poor folks." If 
this charity corresponded with the recent Statute, it would 
relieve those vagrants who alone were exempt, namely, 
women in travail and persons in extreme sickness. The 
king contemplated building institutions similar to the 
Savoy in York and Coventry, but the design was not 
carried out. 

The problems arising from true poverty and false mendi- 
cancy were, of course, intimately connected with hospital 
life. A graphic picture of the difficulties which beset 
administrators of charity about the year 1536 is given by 
Robert Copland in The hye way to the Spyttell hoiis. The 
author states that one wintry day, he took refuge from 
the snow-storm in the porch of a hospital, probably St. 
Bartholomew's. Here he got deep into conversation with 
the porter of the house. While they talked, there gathered 
at the gate people of very poor estate, — lame, blind, bare- 



HOSPITALS FOR WAYFARERS 13 

foot — and Copland, who does not despise the honest poor, 
only those who live in need and idleness, inquires whether 
they admit all who ask for lodging. The porter at first 
answers, " Forsooth, yes," and Copland goes on to protest 
against indiscriminate hospitality : — 

" Me thynk that therin ye do no ryght 
Nor all suche places of hospytalyte 
To confort people of suche iniquyte. 
But syr I pray you, of your goodnes and fauour 
Tell me which ye leaue, and which ye do socour. " 

The porter replies that the house is no supporter of 
sham beggars. There are some who counterfeit leprosy, 
and others who put soap in their mouth to make it 
foam, and fall down as if they had "Saynt Cornelys 
euyll." He goes on to describe those who hang about by 
day and sleep at night at St. Bartholomew's church door 
— drunkards, spendthrifts, swearers and blasphemers, 
those who wear soldiers' clothing, but are vagabonds, 
and men who pretend to have been shipwrecked. Many 
of these live by open beggary, with bag, dish and staff : — 

" And euer haunteth among such ryf raf 
One tyme to this spyttell, another to that." 

The porter intimates that an effort is made to discrimi- 
nate among those daily harboured, but he confesses that 
they are obliged to receive many unsatisfactory men, and 
disreputable women so numerous that they are weary of 
them ; but they refuse stubborn knaves who are not ill, for 
they would have over many. Indeed, the aim of the 
hospital is to relieve those who cannot work and are 
friendless — the sick, aged, bedridden, diseased, wayfaring 
men, maimed soldiers, and honest folk fallen into poverty. 
(See p. xxiv.) 



14 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

It is clear, however, that during the sixteenth century 
there was much genuine distress besides unthrifty beggary 
and sham sickness. From various economic causes there 
was a considerable increase of destitution. Legislation 
entirely failed to solve the problem of an ever-shifting 
population. The Statute of 1 530-1 had recognized the 
value of charitable foundations by its clause : — " provided 
also, that it be lawful to all masters and governors of 
hospitals, to lodge and harbour any person or persons of 
charity and alms." Although hospitals had been abused, 
the neglect of the sick and homeless which their reduction 
involved was a far worse evil. One writer after another 
breaks out into descriptions of the increased poverty and 
pain. Brinklow, in The Lamentacyon of a Christian 
agaynst the Cytye of London (1545), bewails the condition 
of the poor : — 

" London, beyng one of the flowers of the vvorlde, as touch- 
inge worldlye riches, hath so manye, yea innumerable of poore 
people forced to go from dore to dore, and to syt openly in the 
stretes a beggynge, and many . . . lye in their howses in most 
greuous paynes, and dye for lacke of ayde of the riche. I 
thinke in my judgement, under heaven is not so lytle prouision 
made for the pore as in London, of so riche a Cytie." ^ 

Again, referring to the old order and the new, A Suppli- 
cation of the Poore Commons {1 ^^6) speaks of poor impotent 
creatures as "now in more penurye then euer they were." 
Once they had scraps, now they have nothing. "Then 
had they hospitals, and almeshouses to be lodged in, but 
nowe they lye and storue in the stretes. Then was their 
number great, but nowe much greater." 

^ Early Eng-. Text Soc. Extra Series 22, p. 90. 



PLATE III 




H 
o 

H 



o 



CHAPTER II 
HOMES FOR THE FEEBLE AND DESTITUTE 

" Hospitals in cities^ boroughs and divers other places . . . to sustain blind 
Tnen and ivomen . . and people who have lost their goods and are fallen 
into great misfortune." ^ 

THE majority of hospitals were for the support of 
infirm and aged people. Such a home was called 
indiscriminately "hospital," " Maison Dieu," 
"almshouse" or "bedehouse." It was, as in the case 
of Kingston-upon-Hull, "God's House ... to provide 
a habitation for thirteen poor men and women broken 
by age, misfortune or toil, who cannot gain their own 
livelihood." It occupied the place now filled by alms- 
houses, union workhouses, and homes for chronic invalids 
or incurables. 

(l) ALMSHOUSES IN CITIES 

One of the most ancient hospitals for permanent relief 
was St. John's, Canterbury, founded about 1084, and 
still existing as an almshouse. (PI. III.) Eadmer tells us 
that it was intended for men suffering from various in- 
firmities and for women in ill health. The inmates are 
described as a hundred poor, who by reason of age and 
disease cannot earn their bread ; and again, as a hundred 
brothers and sisters blind, lame, deaf and sick. It is 

1 Rolls of Pari. 2 Hen. V, Vol. IV, p. 19 b Petitions, No. III. 
IS 



i6 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

characteristic that the earliest foundation of this type 
should be found in the chief cathedral city of England : 
every such town had a hospital in connection with the 
See. The prince-bishops of Durham, for example, 
provided houses of charity around the city and at their 
manors. Ralph Flambard built St. Giles', Kepier ; Philip 
of Poitiers founded St. James' near Northallerton ; 
Robert de Stichill, St. Mary's, Greatham ; and Nicholas 
of Farnham, St. Edmund's, Gateshead. The most 
famous episcopal hospital remaining is that of St. Cross, 
near Winchester. (PI. VIIL) 

Other charities were associated with cathedral clergy. 
There was a hospital for the poor in the precincts of 
St. Paul's Cathedral. Before the year 1190, one of the 
canons gave his house for the purpose, and the Dean 
endowed it with certain tithes. St. Nicholas', Salisbury, 
founded by the Bishop, was afterwards committed to 
the Dean and Chapter. The existing almshouses in 
Chichester and Hereford were likewise associated with 
those cathedrals. 

(2) ALMSHOUSES IN BOROUGHS 

The municipal control of charity is an ancient custom. 
Before burgesses were called to Parliament, townsmen 
of Exeter, Northampton, Nottingham and Wallingford 
were trustees of the hospitals of St. John in those 
places. The leper-houses of Lynn and Southampton 
were also early instances of municipal administration. In 
the reign of Edward I the hospitals in Scarborough were 
declared to have been "founded by burgesses of the 
town of old." During the fourteenth century, if not 
before, the " keepers" of Beverley, the "jurats " of Hythe, 



HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 17 

and the commonalties of Bedford, Gloucester, Hunting- 
don, Pevensey, Sandwich, Wilton, etc., controlled alms- 
houses in those towns. ^ Old deeds of the Winchester 
corporation refer to Devenish's hospital as "oure hous 
of Synt John." Freemen had an advantage, if not a 
monopoly, when seeking entrance into houses under 
municipal supervision. The " Customals " of Rye and 
Winchelsea show that men and women "who have been 
in good love and fame all their time, and have neither 
goods nor chattels whereof to live " were received without 
payment into the hospitals of the town. Bubwith's 
almshouse. Wells, was to receive men so poor that they 
could not live except by begging, and so decrepit that 
they were unable to beg from door to door. Reduced 
burgesses were assigned "the more honourable places 
and beds." At St. Ursula's, Chester, candidates were 
preferred who had been one of "the twenty-four," or the 
widows of aldermen and common council-men. 

In some towns charities were not directly connected 
with the municipality but with local trustees. St. 
Katherine's, Rochester, was under the governance and 
correction of the parish priest, the city bailiff and the 
founder's heirs. Davy of Croydon put his almshouse 
under the vicar and other townsmen, answerable ulti- 
mately to the Mercers' Company, and provided that his 
pensioners should be " householderers ortrewe laborers" 
from within four miles, preference being given to residents 
of long standing, if of good character and destitute. 

' St. John's, Bedford, was intended only for townsmen ; all such apply- 
ing to the master for relief were to be received, but "all poore folkes 
dwellyng" without the same town to be expulsed and put out," Chantry 
Cert. (ed. J. E. Brown). 



i8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

(3) GILD ALMSHOUSES 

The gilds were an important factor in the economy of 
towns, and their works of piety sometimes included 
hospital maintenance. St. Cross, Colchester, having 
been practically disendowed — the advowson was granted 
to the commonalty in aid of the repair of the town 
walls — ^was revived in 1407 as an almshouse under the 
auspices of St. Helen's gild. Barstaple of Bristol 
founded his almshouse for twenty-four poor, (granting 
the advowson to the mayor and commonalty,) and also a 
fraternity for himself, his wife and others who wished to 
join. The institutions were incorporated separately. 
Each community was ruled by a warden, possessed a 
common seal, and had power to make ordinances.^ In 
other cases a private individual attached his charity 
to an existing association to secure continuity of rule. 
Hosyer's almshouse in Ludlow, e.g., "appertained" to the 
Palmers' gild. These religious societies often began in 
connection with some trade. At Winchester, financial 
assistance was given to St. John's by "the fraternity of 
St. John, in the hospital there by providence of the 
Tailors of Winton first ordained." 

The craft-gilds and city companies supported disabled 
members in places like the Maison Dieu of the Shoe- 
makers at York, called also the Bedehouse of the Cordy- 
ners. There are countless references in wills to the poor 
of the Drapers' or Fullers' Halls, etc. Although such 
institutions were really almshouses, they are not (with 
certain exceptions) included in the appended list, and their 
history must be sought in connection with the trades. 

1 Pat. 9 Hen. IV, Pt. i. m. 8. 



HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 19 

In ports, special provision was made for seafaring men. 
Leland remarks that St. Bartholomew's, Sandwich, was 
"fyrst ordened for Maryners desesid and hurt." The 
Fraternity of the Blessed Trinity at Kingston-upon-Hull 
maintained "an house of alms of poor mariners," and a 
similar institution was incorporated with Trinity House, 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. A society of merchants at Bristol 
provided for poor seamen within the old hospital of St. 
Bartholomew (1445). Upon arrival in port, masters and 
mariners alike contributed to the charity because "the 
wheche prest and pore peple may nott be founden ne 
susteyned withoute grete coste." This fraternity was 
in fact a benefit-club, for members became eligible for 
admission after paying their dues for seven years. The 
community was especially bound to pray for seamen in 
time of peril. 

(4) PRIVATE ALMSHOUSES 

In villages, the lord of the manor or squire provided a 
charity for his retainers, tenants or neighbours. This 
was done at Arundel, Donnington near Newbury, Hey- 
tesbury, Ewelme, Thame, etc. A man who had risen to 
prosperity occasionally remembered his birthplace in this 
way, as Chichele did at Higham Ferrers. 

Although most hospitals were of a general character, 
some were designed for particular classes of persons, such as 
homeless Jews, poor clergy, decayed gentle-people, women 
and children. 

(5) HOMES FOR JEWS 

The chief " hospital " for Jewish converts was in Lon- 
don. The inmates were not ailing in health, but they 
needed succour because they were unable to earn a 



20 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

living, and were cut off from their own families as apos- 
tates. Converts were often sent to monasteries for main- 
tenance. The names of almost five hundred, together with 
the particular houses that received them, are recorded in 
one roll of 39 Henry IIL^ 

Special provision for the maintenance of converted Jews 
was made in 1232, when Henry HI founded the House 




3. HOUSE OF CONVERTS, LONDON 



of Converts, Hospital of St. Mary or "Converts' Inn," 
near the Old Temple. Within twenty years Matthew 
Paris described its purpose, also making a drawing 
(Fig. 3) in the margin : — 

"To this house converted Jews retired, leaving their Jewish 
blindness, and had a home and a safe refuge for their whole 
lives, living under an honourable rule, with sufficient susten- 
ance without servile work or the profits of usury. So it hap- 

^ Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 227, 



HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 21 

pened that in a short time a large number were collected there. 
And now, being baptized and instructed in the Christian law, 
they live a praiseworthy life under a rector specially deputed to 
govern them.''^ 

The year of this chronicler's death (1256), upwards of 
160 convert brothers received tunics from the king's 
almoner. Probably about half were inmates, and half 
unattached pensioners. The number may have been 
increased from interested motives on account of the per- 
secution of Jews which followed the supposed "horrible 
crime lately perpetrated in the city of Lincoln, of a 
Christian boy crucified." In January 1256, pardon was 
granted to John the convert, who was a Jew of Lincoln 
when the so-called "little St. Hugh " was put to death. 

The Domus Conversorum was rebuilt by Edward I, who 
bestowed much attention upon it. By his ordinance, the 
pensioners were taught handicrafts and trained to support 
themselves. He ordered that school should be kept and 
that suitable converts might be educated as clerks or 
chaplains. St. Mary's was an industrial home or training 
institution for persecuted Jewish Christians, who were 
safe only under royal protection. Another roll of the 
same year shows that a special effort was made at. that 
time to evangelize the Jews. Orders had recently been 
given to repress notorious blasphemers, and those who 
after baptism had been "perverted to Jewish wickedness." 
Edward also directed that strenuous efforts should be 
made by the Friar Preachers for their conversion. 
Finally he set himself to improve the endowments of the 
institution : — 

" He therefore, in order that those who have already turned 

' Chron. and Mem. 44, iii. 262. 



22 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

from their blindness to the hg-ht of the Church may be 
strengthened in the firmness of their faith, and those who still 
persist in their error may more willingly and readily turn to the 
grace of the faith, has taken measures, under divine guidance, 
to provide healthfully for their maintenance."^ 

The House of Converts was then supporting ninety- 
seven persons. Of these fifty-one remained in 1308. 
After the great expulsion in 1290, the numbers were 
quickly reduced. In 1327, there were twenty-eight. In 
1344, ^he institution supported eight converts and seven 
admitted for other causes. After that date the pensioners 
dwindled to two. During the fifteenth century, a few 
foreign Jews were received from time to time, the house- 
hold varying between eight and three. The hospital was 
empty in the days of Edward VI, and remained so until 
1578 ; its subsequent history is related by Adler. 

The Donius Conversoruni in Oxford was likewise founded 
by Henry III. There, says Wood, "all Jews and infidells 
that were converted to the Christian faith were ordained 
to have sufficient maintenance. By which meanes it 
was soe brought about that noe small number of these 
converts had their abode in this place and were baptized 
and instructed." The building (figured in Skelton's 
Oxonia Antiqiia) subsequently became a Hall for scholars. 

According to Leland and Stow there were homes, or, at 
least, schools, for Jews in London and Bristol before 
Henry III turned his attention to this work. Stow, re- 
ferring to the original foundation of St. Thomas' hospital, 
Southwark (1213), says that it was a house of alms for 
converts and poor children. Leland, quoting from a 
manuscript of the Kalendars' Gild in Bristol, states that 

' Pat 8 Edw. I, m. 17. 



HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 



23 



in the time of Henry H there were " Scholes ordeyned in 
Brightstow by them for the Conversion of the Jewes." 
The information (which he gleaned from the Little Red 
Book) originated in the bishop's inquisition made in 1318, 
which found that Robert Fitz-Harding and the Kalendars 
"established the schools of Bristol for teaching Jews and 
other little ones under the government of the same gild 
and the protection of the mayor." It should be noticed 
that scola also refers to a Jewish synagogue, but the 
term Schola Judceorum is applied by Matthew Paris to 
the House of Converts in London. 




4. POOR priests' hospital, canterbury J5£5fl 



(6) HOMES FOR POOR CLERGY AND FOR 
LAY GENTLEFOLK 

Diocesan clergy-homes were provided during the 
thirteenth century in most ecclesiastical centres. At 
Canterbury, the Archdeacon built (before 1225) the Poor 
Priests' hospital (Fig. 4). St. Richard of Chichester began 



24 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

a similar charity at Windeham in his diocese. Walter de 
Merton designed a small institution at Basingstoke for 
"ministers of the altar whose strength is failing," and 
incurables of Merton College. There were three beds for 
chaplains at St. Wulstan's, Worcester, and the Stratford 
gild intended to initiate a hospital for the diocesan clergy. 
To St. Giles', Lincoln, were admitted "needy ministers 
and servants and canons not able to work." 

Similar retreats arose in the following century. The 
Bishop of Exeter built near his palace at Clist Gabriel a 
home for twelve blind, infirm, ancient or disabled priests, 
deacons and sub-deacons. The Dean of York maintained 
six infirm chaplains in St. Mary's, Bootham. Clergy- 
homes were usually founded by ecclesiastics ; but in 1329, 
a London layman, Elsyng by name, touched by the 
sufferings of the clergy in that time of scarcity, began his 
almshouse, ordaining that among the hundred pensioners, 
blind, paralytic and disabled priests should be specially 
cared for. The need is evident from a deed concerning 
St. Giles', Norwich (1340). The house had been founded 
for the poor " and principally to minister the necessaries 
of life to priests of the diocese of Norwich, who, broken 
down with age, or destitute of bodily strength, or labour- 
ing under continual disease, cannot celebrate divine 
service "; but the number of such priests and infirm 
persons "flocking to the hospital hath so grown and 
daily groweth " that assistance was urgently required. 
Although the priesthood was temporarily diminished by 
the pestilence of 1349, clerks acting as chantry priests were 
again numerous during the fifteenth century. These 
unbeneficed clergy, it was said, "when depressed by the 
weight of old age, or labouring under weak health . . . 



PLATE IV 




o 



O 

2; 









HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 25 

are by necessity compelled to wander about, begging 
miserably for food and raiment ... to the displeasure of 
Him whose ministers they are." To put an end to this 
scandal, "the fraternity of St. Charity and St. John 
Evangelist" was founded in London (1442), and this 
clerical almshouse was commonly called "The Papey." 
Gregory, who was mayor in 145 1, describes it in his note- 
book : — 

" Pappy Chyrche in the Walle be twyne Algate and Beuysse 
Markes. And hyt ys a grete fraternyte of prestys and of othyr 
seqular men. And there ben founde of almys certayne prestys, 
both blynde and lame, that be empotent." 

Persons of gentle birth who had suffered reverses of 
fortune often retreated into convents, or were received 
into hospitals with a semi-official position. During the 
fifteenth century one or two institutions arose to benefit 
those decayed gentlefolk who, as one has said, are of all 
people " most sensible of want." Staindrop College 
maintained a staff of priests and clerks, and certain gentle- 
men (certi pauperes generosi) and yeomen {pauperes 
valecti) who had been in the Earl of Westmorland's 
service. The " New Almshouse of Noble Poverty " {Nova 
'Domus Eleemosynaria Nobilis Paupertatis), which Cardinal 
Beaufort intended to add to the original establishment of 
St. Cross, was never fully completed, but there are still 
four brethren of the professional class on the Cardinal's 
foundation. 

(7) HOMES FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN 

One of the earliest permanent homes for women was 
St. Katharine's-by-the-Tower, London. The sisters of 
St. John's, Reading, are described as "certyn relygyous 



26 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

women, wydowes in chast lyuyngg in God's seruyce 
praying nygt and day." To provide for fatherless chil- 
dren and widows was part of the design of Holy Trinity, 
Salisbury. In two hospitals outside Lincoln this par- 
ticular work was carried on. Originally served by the 
Gilbertine Order, they became entirely eleemosynary in- 
stitutions under the care of lay-sisters. Many wills about 
the year 1400 allude to St. Katharine's asylum or hospital 
for widows, orphans, and bedemen. The daughter-house 
was a home for waifs and strays, namely, " certain 
orphans placed in danger through the negligence of their 
friends, and deserted, and brought into the hospital of 
St. Sepulchre, guarded and educated there." 

A further reason for the adoption of children into the 
hospital family was this : that when women died in con- 
finement, their infants were frequently kept and cared 
for. (See p. 9.) In connection with St. Leonard's, York, 
mention is made of "ministering to the poor and sick 
and to the infants exposed there." In 1280 there were 
twenty-three boys in the orphanage, with a woman in 
charge. Education was provided for them and for the 
thirty choristers. Two schoolmasters taught grammar and 
music. The Dean and Chapter were forbidden by the 
King on one occasion (1341) to meddle with the grammar 
school in the hospital. Among the expenses in 1369 is 
a gratuity to the bishop of the choir-boys. This shows, 
says Canon Raine, that there was a "boy-bishop" at 
St. Leonard's as well as in the Minster. 

Nor was it uncommon thus to find young and strong 
side by side with aged and infirm inmates. Several 
almshouses maintained children. Bishop Grandisson 
carried out his predecessor Stapeldon's intention of 



HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 27 

adding twelve boys to the foundation of St. John's, 
Exeter, and Archbishop Chichele attached a boarding- 
school to his bedehouse at Higham Ferrers. There were 
children and adult pensioners in St. Katharine's, London, 
and in KnoUes' almshouse, Pontefract. 

Some hospitals had boarders or day-boarders whose 
studies were conducted in neighbouring schools. St. 
John's, Bridgwater, maintained thirteen scholars — such 
as were habiles ad inforinandum in grammatica — who 
were excused from full ritual that they might keep schools 
daily in the town (1298).^ In some cases, like St. Giles', 
Norwich, food was provided for children who were 
getting free education elsewhere. At St. Cross, Win- 
chester, seven choristers were boarded and instructed. 
Thirteen poor scholars from the Grammar School also 
received a substantial meal daily. 

In other instances we find that instruction was pro- 
vided without board and lodging. The lads taught in 
God's House, Exeter, were not inmates, like those of 
St. John's in that city. The master of the hospital was 
required to teach from three to nine boys, beginning 
with the alphabet and going on to the "great psalter 
of the holy David." In the almshouses of Ewelme and 
Heytesbury also there were non-resident pupils. Only 
the more advanced at Ewelme aspired to "the faculty 
of grammar." It was directed that should the school- 
master have no more than four " childer that actually 
lernes gramer, besides petettes [i.e. beginners] and reders," 
he should assist at matins and evensong. He must so 
rule his scholars that none be tedious, noisome, or troublous 
to the almspeople. Payment was forbidden at Heytes- 

' Bishop Drokensford's Reg;, p. 268. 



28 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

bury except as a free gift, or by pupils whose friends 
iiad a yearly income of over £io. Bishop Smyth, a 
patron of learning, added a schoolmaster and usher to 
his restored almshouse at Lichfield, where very poor 
children were to be taught. The Grammar School con- 
nected with St. John's hospital, Banbury, became 
famous. 

Lastly, the development of these institutions must be 
considered. Many of the almshouses built during the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries were intended from their 
foundation for life-pensioners. In other cases, however, 
on account of necessity or expediency, the permanent home 
was evolved from one originally of a temporary character. 
Charities underwent a change during the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries. This may be attributed to various 
social and economic causes — the decline of leprosy, legis- 
lation regarding vagrancy, and the redistribution of 
wealth. As the number of lepers decreased, the alms 
formerly bestowed upon them were available for other 
necessitous persons, and some lazar-houses gradually 
became retreats for aged invalids. This was chiefly 
during the fifteenth century, but even about 1285 St. 
Nicholas', York, is said to be "founded in the name of 
lepers, and for the support of the old and feeble of the 
city." Again, when it was realized that indiscriminate 
hospitality encouraged vagrancy, the character of some 
hospitals gradually altered. The Statute of 1388 helped 
to develop local administration of charity by ordaining 
that beggars unable to work must either remain in the 
town where they found themselves or return to their birth- 
place and abide there for life. 



HOMES FOR THE DESTITUTE 



29 



The crying need for the permanent relief of genuine 
distress made itself heard. Langland, the poet of the 
people, called attention to the necessity of rebuilding 
hospitals. In his Vision "Truth" begs rich merchants to 
put their profits to good uses and "amenden meson- 
dieux " therewith. In 1410, and again in 1414, the 
Commons suggested that new almshouses might be 




5. BEDE-HOUSE, STAMFORD 

founded if some ecclesiastical property were confiscated. 
Although this was not done, many were provided through 
private liberality. By the redistribution of wealth and 
the rise of the middle classes, a fresh impetus was given 
to building. The chantry system also had an increas- 
ingly powerful influence upon the charity of this period. 
The newer foundations, even more explicitly than the 
older, were " bede-houses " or houses of prayer. All 



30 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

charitable foundations were to a certain extent chantries. 
Many, alas ! were solely on this account marked with the 
stigma of superstition, and fell under the two Acts for the 
dissolution of chantries : the plea of usefulness, however, 
happily prevailed in several cases. ^ For a time the 
work of building almshouses ceased, but revived after a 
while. In 1583 Philip Stubbes complained that although 
in some places the poor were relieved in hospitals, yet 
more provision was required :• — 

" For the supplie whereof, would God there might be in 
euerie parish an almes house erected, that the poore (such as are 
poore indeede) might be maintained, helped, and relieued. For 
until the true poore indeed be better provided for, let them 
neuer thinke to please God."° 

1 See Chapter XVI. 

- Anatomic of Abuses, Pt. II, 43. 



CHAPTER III 
HOSPITALS FOR THE INSANE 

*' Hospitals . . . to maintain men and women "who had lost their wits and 
memoryy {Rolls of Parliament, 1414.) 

LITTLE is known regarding the extent and treatment 
^ of insanity during the Middle Ages. Persons 
"vexed with a demon" were taken to holy places 
in the hope that the "fiends" might be cast out. An 
early thirteenth-century window at Canterbury shows 
a poor maniac dragged by his friends to the health-giving 
shrine of St. Thomas. He is tied with ropes, and they 
belabour him with blows from birch-rods. In the second 
scene he appears in his right mind, returning thanks, all 
instruments of discipline cast away. Even in the sixteenth 
century we read of pilgrimage by lunatics, especially to 
certain holy wells. 

Formerly, all needy people were admitted into the 
hospital, mental invalids being herded together with those 
weak or diseased in body. From the chronicle of St. 
Bartholomew's, Smithfield, we learn that in the twelfth 
century mad people were constantly received as well as 
the deaf, dumb, blind, palsied and crippled. One young 
man lost "his resonable wyttys" on his journey to 
London. He wandered about running, not knowing 
whither he went. Arriving in London, he was brought 
to the hospital and "ther yn shorte space his witte 

31 



32 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

was recoueryd." Another patient was taken with the 
"fallynge euill " [epilepsy], which is described as a 
sickness hindering the operation of the senses. It 
would seem that persons subject to fits were sometimes 
placed in a lazar-house, for at St. Bartholomew's, 
Rochester (1342), was one patient "struck with the 
epilepsy disease." 

The public did not make itself responsible for the 
custody of the lunatic, whose own people were required 
to guard him and others from harm. One of the 
"Customs of Bristol" (1344) orders that the goods and 
chattels of demented men be delivered to their friends 
until they come to a good state of mind {ad bonam 
memoriam). The sad condition of " lunatick lollers " is 
described by Langlaijd, who speaks compassionately of 
this class of wanderers. 

In London, the question of making special provision 
for the insane came to the front about this time, for in 
1369 one Denton intended to found a hospital "for poor 
priests and others, men and women, who in that city 
suddenly fell into a frenzy {in frenesim) and lost their 
memory," but his plan was not carried out. Stow 
mentions that the earliest asylum for distraught and 
lunatic persons was near Charing Cross, "but it was said, 
that some time a king of England, not liking such a kind 
of people to remain so near his palace, caused them to be 
removed farther off, to Bethlem without Bishopsgate." 

St. Mary of Bethlehem was the most famous refuge for 
the mentally disordered. In 1403 there were confined six 
men deprived of reason {-mente capti), and three other 
sick, one of whom was a paralytic patient who had been 
lying in the hospital for over two years. The good work 



HOSPITALS FOR THE INSANE 33 

done in the institution was fully recognized. A bequest 
was made in 1419 to the sick and insane of St. Mary de 
Bedlam. A Patent Roll entry of 1437 speaks of "the 
succour of demented lunatics " and others, and of the 
necessity of cutting down these works of piety unless 
speedy help were forthcoming. The then town clerk, John 
Carpenter, recalled this need and remembered in his will 
(1441) "the poor madmen of Bethlehem." Another citizen, 
Stephen Forster, desired his executors to lay out ten 
pounds in food and clothing for the poor people "de- 
tained " there. Gregory, citizen and mayor, describes in 
his Historical Collections (about 145 1) this asylum and its 
work of mercy, and it is satisfactory to hear that some 
were there restored to a sound mind : — ■ 

"A chyrche of Owre Lady that ys namyde Bedlam. And 
yn that place ben founde many men that ben fallyn owte of 
hyr wytte. And fulle honestely they ben kepte in that place ; 
and sum ben restoryde unto hyr witte and helthe a-gfayne. 
And sum ben a-bydyng there yn for evyr, for they ben falle soo 
moche owte of hem selfe that hyt ys uncurerabylle unto man." 

Probably the utterly incurable were doomed to those 
iron chains, manacles and stocks mentioned in the inven- 
tory of 1398 and quoted at the visitation of 1403 : — 

"Item, vj cheynes de Iran, com vj lokkes. Item iiij peir 
manycles de Iren. ij peir stokkys."^ 

In other parts of the country it was customary to 
receive persons suffering from attacks of mania into 
general infirmaries. At Holy Trinity, Salisbury, not 
only were sick persons and women in childbirth received, 
but mad people were to be taken care of {furiosi 
custodiantur donee sensiim adipiscantur). This was at the 

^ Char. Com. Rep., xxxii. vi. 472. 



34 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

close of the fourteenth century. In the petition for the 
reformation of hospitals (1414) it is stated that they exist 
partly to maintain those who had lost their wits and 
memory {Jiors de lour seniles et memoire). Many alms- 
house-statutes, however, prohibited their admission. 
A regulation concerning an endowed bed in St. John's, 
Coventry (1444), declared that a candidate must be " not 
mad, quarrelsome, leprous, infected." At Ewelme "no 
wood man " (crazy person) must be received ; and an 
inmate becoming " madd, or woode " was to be removed 
from the Croydon almshouse. 

Such disused lazar-houses as were inhabitable might 
well have been utilized as places of confinement. This, 
indeed, was done at Holloway near Bath. At what period 
the lepers vacated St. Mary Magdalene's is not known, 
but it was probably appropriated to the use of lunatics by 
Prior Cantlow, who rebuilt the chapel about 1489. At 
the close of the sixteenth century, St. James', Chichester, 
was occupied by a sad collection of hopeless cripples, 
among whom were found two idiots. A hundred years 
later the bishop reported that this hospital was of small 
revenue and "hath only one poor person, but she a 
miserable idiot, in it." 

Bethlehem Hospital was rescued by the Lord Mayor 
and citizens at the Dissolution of religious houses and 
continued its charitable work. In 1560 Queen Elizabeth 
issued on behalf of this house an appeal of which a 
facsimile may be seen in Bewes' Church Briefs. " Sume 
be straught from there wyttes," it declares, "thuse be 
kepte and mayntend in the Hospital of our Ladye of 
Beddelem untyle God caule them to his marcy or to ther 
wyttes agayne." 



PLATE r 




CHAPTER IV 
THE LAZAR-HOUSE 

" For the relief of divers persons smitten -with this sickness and destitute 
andwaiking at large 7vit/tiu the reahn." ^ (Holloway, 1473.) 

ON the outskirts of a town seven hundred years ago, 
the eye of the traveller would have been caught 
by a well-known landmark — a group of cottages 
with an adjoining chapel, clustering round a green 
enclosure. At a glance he would recognize it as the 
lazar-house, and would prepare to throw an alms to the 
crippled and disfigured representative of the community. 
It is a startling fact that there is documentary evi- 
dence for the existence of over 200 such institutions 
in this country in the Middle Ages, though historians 
disagree in their conclusions on this subject, as they 
do on the extent and duration of the disease itself. 
To some, leprosy is a phantom playing upon the 
imagination of a terror-stricken nation ; to others, an 
all-devouring giant stalking through the land. One 
writer surmises that all the British leper-hospitals together 
did not exceed fifty, for "there might have been a leper in 
a village here and there, one or two in a market-town, 
a dozen or more in a city, a score or so in a whole dio- 
cese." Another says that "the number of these lazar- 
houses, however great, was insufficient to accommodate 

' Patent 12 Ed. IV, pt. II, m. 6. 

35 



36 MEi:)LEVAL HOSPITALS OF liNClLAND 

more than a small proportion of those suffering; from the 
disease. The rest llocket! to the high roads, and cxposcil 
their distorted limbs and sort's, and souj^lit by attracting 
the notice of travellers to gain alms for their support." 

Speaking broadly, one may say that leprosy la^i'tl from 
the eleventh to the middle of the thirteenth century, wlien 
it abated ; that it was inconsiderable after the middle of 
the fourteenth ; that, though not extinct, it became rare in 
the fifteenth ; and had practically died out by tlu' sixteenth 
century, save in the extreme south-west of JMi^land. 

It is commonly supposed that leprosy was introduced 
into this country by returning crusaders. " The lei)r()sy 
was one epidemical infection which taint(>cl the pilgrims 
coming thither," says Fuller; "hence was it brought 
over into England — never before known in this island — 
and many lazar-houses erected." Voltaire makes this 
satirical epigram : — " All that we gained in the end by en- 
gaging in the Crusades, was the leprosy ; and of all that we 
had taken, that was the only thing that icmainetl with us." 
This theory, however, is no longcu- accepted, and Dr. C. 
Creighton expresses an opinion that it is absurd to sup- 
pose that leprosy could be "introduced" in any such 
way. Geoffrey de Vinsauf, the chronicler who accom- 
panied Richard I, says, indeed, that many perished from 
sickness of a dropsical nature. He was an eyc;witness of 
the famine which led to the consumption of abominable 
food, but there is little proof that these wretched conditions 
engendered leprosy among the pilgrim-warriors. Only 
once is a leper mentioned in his /lincnirv, and then it is 
no less a personage than Baldwin IV, the young prince 
who became seventh King of Jerusalem and victor over 



THE LAZAR-HOUSE 37 

Saladin. It is, moreover, an undeniable fact that there 
were lepers in Saxon and early Norman England. The 
Anglo-Saxon equivalent is found in the vocabulary 
attributed to Aelfric. Roger of Hoveden tells the story 
of a poor leper whom Edward the Confessor was instru- 
mental in curing. Aelfward, Saxon Bishop of London, 
retired into a monastery because of this affliction ; and 
Hugh d'Orivalle, Bishop of London, a Norman, died a 
leper in 1085. Finally, at least two lazar-houses were 
established within twenty years of the Conquest, and 
before the first Crusade. 

(a) Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries 

Leprosy was rampant during the Norman period. By 
a happy providence, charity was quickened simultaneously 
by the religious movement which illuminated a dark age, 
so that the need was met. Two leper-houses were rivals in 
point of antiquity, namely, Rochester and Harbledown, 
both founded before iioo. These were followed (before 
1 135) by foundations at Alkmonton, Whitby, London, 
Lincoln, Colchester, Norwich, Newark, Peterborough, 
Oxford, Newcastle, Wilton, St. Alban's, Bury, Warwick. 
Within the next twenty years hospitals are mentioned at 
Canterbury (St. Laurence), Buckland by Dover, Lynn, 
Burton Lazars, Aylesbury, York, Ripon, and Northamp- 
ton ; there were also other early asylums at Carlisle, 
Preston, Shrewsbury, Ilford, Exeter, etc. The chief build- 
ing period was before the middle of the thirteenth century. 
A glance at Appendix B will show how such houses 
multiplied. Moreover, many not specifically described as 
for lepers, were doubtless originally intended for them. 
(Cf. Lewes, Abingdon, Scarborough, etc.) 



38 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

(h) J'^oiti'l.rcnlh Ccii/itrv ( i.'ioo i^^o) 

Durinj^r ||i,: I'lrst ])riiL of llic foiirLccnlli cciilury, Icpcosy 
was widespread, l)ut by no itkmds as coiniiioii as forini'ily. 
Directly or indirectly, testimony is borne lo tin; fact of 
its prevalence by national laws, by hospilal authoiiljes 
and by the charitable public. 

In the first plac(^ llici(' is the wilness of i;xtcrnal h-j^^is- 
lation, which is two-fold. Sclienics of taxation refer 
constantly to lepc'rs (/\'o//x of l'<niiii nuiil , 1307-1324). 
Measure's were repeatedly laken for th(Mr (expulsion from 
towns. An ordinance was made in iIk^ Parliament f)f 
I^incoln (1315) commandin;^ lliat houses founded for iIk; 
infirm and le|)ers slujuld be devoted lo llieir use. The 
admission of olher persons was now refused, as, for 
example, at St. (files', London, and Si. JJartholomew's, 
Oxford. 1 

There; is, secondly, the phrase(jIo^y ol conlemporary 
leper-house stalules, i-.\s,. Ihosi' drawn u|) by the Abbot of 
.St. A 1 ban's (1344), and by the l'>isho|) of Loudfjn for llford 
(1346). Here it is rijrht to noW; a case; wh(;re infeclftd in- 
mates were already in a minority. A summary of the 
history of Si. Nicholas', Carlisle (1341), includes this 
definite slalement: -"until by lajise of time I lie grealer 
part of the le|)i;rs died, when . . . llieir places were 
filled by poor impotent folk."'-* 

'I'liirdly, it is (evident from llie ^ifts of cliarilable 
persons Ihiil there were si ill many outcasts in need of 
assistance. Bisho[) Bitton of I'^xcler left mon(;y lo la/.ars 
in thirty-nine, localil ies within his diorese (\n^u']). I'racli- 

' I'.il. 8 Ivlw. 11, |.l. ii. rn. 5. <:iu»i:(j lOilw. II, in. lH(/, 
" l';il. 15 ICiiw. IK, pi. i. III. ,|v, |8. 



THE LAZAR-HOUSE 39 

cally all the wills of the period allude to the presence of 
lepers in the neighbourhood. Although there already- 
existed two asylums outside Rochester (St. Bartholomew's 
and St. Nicholas' at Whiteditch), to which bequests 
were continuously made until far into the next century,^ 
St. Katherine's hospital was founded in 1316 for lepers 
and other mendicants : — 

"if it happe anie man or woman of the cittie of Rouchester 
to be uisited with lepre, or other suche diseases that longe to 
impotence, with unpower of pouertie, there sholde be receaued." 

If leper-houses were empty, the fact is largely accounted 
for by the mismanagement and poverty of charitable 
institutions at that period. This aspect of the subject 
has never received adequate attention. Destitute persons 
were ousted to make way for paying inmates. One 
thirteenth-century master of St. Nicholas', York, ad- 
mitted thirty-six brethren and sisters, of whom four 
were received pro Deo, because they were lepers, but the 
rest for money. This practice was sadly common, and 
notorious instances might be cited from Lincoln (Holy 
Innocents'), London (St. Giles'), and Oxford (St. 
Bartholomew's). 

Moreover, the leper would probably not be anxious for 
admission, because at this time, when hospitals were barely 
able to supply the necessaries of life, it meant restriction 
without the corresponding comfort which sometimes 
made it welcome. It is related that in 1315, the lepers of 
Kingston showed their independence by quitting the 
hospital and demolishing it. A Close Roll entry relating 
to St. Nicholas', Royston (1359), declares that the "lepers 
for a great while past have refused to come or to dwell 

' J. Thorpe, Custumale Roffeiisc, p. 39 et sq. ; Reg. Roff. p. 113. 



40 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

there," About the year 1350 the chronicler of St. 
Alban's states that at St. Julian's hospital " in general 
there are now not above three, sometimes only two, and 
occasionally one." Possibly they had rebelled against 
the strict life enforced : in 1353 the master and lepers 
were made semi-independent by grant of the abbot and 
convent. 1 

In truth, hospitals were in great straits during this dis- 
tressful century, and retrenchment was necessary. Leper- 
houses in particular were seldom on a sound financial 
basis. Even if they possessed certain endowments in 
kind there was rarely money to spend on the fabric, 
and buildings became dilapidated. Experience teaches 
the difficulty of maintaining old-established charities. 
Much of the early enthusiasm had passed away, and 
charity was at a low ebb. 

It was indeed a poverty-stricken period. Heavy taxa- 
tion drained the country's resources. War, famine and 
pestilence were like the locust, palmerworm and cater- 
pillar devastating the land. These were cruel times for 
the poor, and also for houses of charity. The mediaeval 
tale of Sir Amiloun shows that, so long as the land had 
plenty, the leper-knight and his companion fared well, 
but that when corn waxed dear, they were driven by hunger 
from town to town, and could barely keep themselves 
alive. 

A few instances will show how charity suffered. At 
the Harbledown leper-house (1276), voluntary offerings 
were so diminished that inmates were come to great want, 
and it was feared the sick would be compelled to leave. 
In 1 30 1 the authorities of the Stafford hospital were 

1 Pat. 27 Edw. Ill, pt. ii. m. i6. 



THE LAZAR-HOUSE 41 

said to be accustomed to receive lepers with goods and 
chattels, but they were not bound to support them, and the 
prior himself had been driven away by destitution. St. 
Giles', Hexham, was suffering from the Scotch wars. An 
inquiry ordered by the archbishop (1320) showed that the 
numbers were reduced, that none were admitted without 
payment, and that they had to work hard. The allowance 
of bread and beer from the priory was diminished, oxen 
were borrowed for ploughing, and there was scarcely 
enough corn to sow the land.^ Wayfaring lepers had 
ceased to frequent St. Mary Magdalene's, Ripon (where 
they used to receive food and shelter), because applicants 
went away empty-handed (1317); and a later inquiry 
showed that none came there "because it was fallen down." 
In 1327, the Huntingdon lepers had barely sufficient to 
maintain their present company, admittance being re- 
fused to applicants solely on that account, and they were 
excused taxation in 1340, because if payment were made, 
they would have to diminish the number of inmates and 
disperse them to seek their food. Civil and ecclesiastical 
registers alike, in issuing protections and briefs for 
leprous men collecting alms for hospitals, tell a tale of 
utter destitution. 

(c) Fourteenth Century (1350- 1400) 

Having discussed that portion of the century which 
preceded the fateful year 1349, we now inquire to what 
extent leprosy existed during the fifty years that followed. 
It is no longer mentioned in legislation, and there are 
indications that it had come to be regarded chiefly as a 
question for local government : the Letter Books of the 

^ Surtees Soc. 46, ii. 130. 



42 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Corporation of London record edicts of expulsion. There 
are other proofs that the number of sufferers was decreas- 
ing. If, for example, the language be compared of two 
Harbledown deeds, dated 1276 and 1371, an appreciable 
difference can be discerned. In the first it is declared 
that there " a hundred lepers are confined to avoid con- 
tagion," but a century later it is merely stated that "some of 
these poor are infected with leprosy." It was said at 
Maldon in 1402 that there had been no leper-burgesses 
for twenty years and more. The mention of burgesses is, 
however, inconclusive, for there may have been mendicant 
lazars who would gladly have accepted the shelter of 
St. Giles' ; but the town was not bound to support 
them. 

The gifts and bequests of this period testify to the fact 
that although there were lepers — notably in the vicinity 
of towns — yet the institutions provided for them were 
small in comparison with former asylums. A new lazar- 
house was built at Sudbury in 1373, to accommodate 
three persons. Shortly before 1384 a house for lepers 
and other infirm was founded at Boughton-under-Blean.^ 
Richard II left money to complete two hospitals near 
London. The will of his uncle, John of Gaunt, who 
died the same year (1399), indicates the smallness of 
existing institutions within five miles of the city, for 
he bequeaths to every leper-house containing five 
7nalades, five nobles, and to lesser hospitals, three nobles 
each. 

For a time, the pestilence of 1349 had brought financial 
ruin to houses dependent upon charity. In London, for 
example, in 1355, the full complement at St. Giles' should 

1 Cited Vict. Co. Hist. Kent. 



THE LAZAR-HOUSE 43 

have been fourteen — it had originally been forty — but the 
authorities complained that they could not maintain even 
the reduced number, for their lands lay uncultivated " by 
reason of the horrible mortality." St. James' hospital — 
which used to support fourteen — was empty, save for the 
sole survivor of the scourge who remained as caretaker, 
nor does it appear to have been reorganized as a leper- 
asylum. 

This diminution in numbers may be attributed to various 
causes. An increase of medical knowledge with improved 
diagnosis, together with the strict examination which now 
preceded expulsion, doubtless prevented the incarceration 
of some who would formerly have been injudiciously 
classed as lazars. Possibly, too, the disease now took 
a milder form, as it is apt to do in course of time. Again, 
the Black Death (1349) had not merely impoverished 
leper-hospitals, but must surely have been an important 
factor in the decline of leprosy itself. If it reduced the 
population by two-thirds, or even by one-half, as is com- 
puted, it also carried off the weakest members of society, 
those most prone to disease. When the plague reached 
a lazar-house, it found ready victims, and left it without 
inhabitant. The same may be said of the terrible though 
lesser pestilences which followed (1361-76). The attempt 
to purify towns by sanitary measures contributed to the 
improvement of public health. In Bartholomew's De 
Proprietatibus Rerum. {circa 1360) it is declared, among 
divers causes of leprosy that : — " sometyme it cometh . . . 
of infecte and corrupte ayre." Steps were taken in 
London to improve sanitation (1388) because "many and 
intolerable diseases do daily happen." 



44 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

(d) Fifteenth Century 

Having admitted that leprosy was steadily declining, so 
that by the year 1400 it was rare, we are not prepared 
to echo the statement that its disappearance ' ' may be 
taken as absolute." Certain lazar-houses were, indeed, 
appropriated to other uses, as at Alkmonton (1406), 
Sherburn (1434), and Blyth (1446). In remembrance of 
the original foundation, accommodation was reserved at 
Sherburn for two lepers "if they could be found in those 
parts" [i.e. in the Bishopric of Durham] "or would 
willingly come to remain there," the place of the sixty- 
five lepers being now taken by thirteen poor men unable 
of their own means to support themselves.^ This was a 
period of transition, and although ruins already marked 
the site of many a former settlement, yet there were 
places where a few lepers occupied the old habitations. 

Leprosy certainly lurked here and there. The testi- 
mony of wills may not be considered wholly trustworthy 
evidence, yet they show that the public still recognized 
a need. In 1426 a testator left money for four lepers to 
receive four marks yearly for ten years. Bequests were 
made to lepers of Winchester (1420); to " eche laseer of 
man and woman or child within Bury" (1463); to "the 
leprous men now in the house of lepers " at Sandwich 
(1466). There were, perhaps, cases where testators had 
little personal knowledge of the charities. We cannot, 
however, doubt that a real need existed when the former 
mayor of Newcastle leaves forty shillings to "the lepre 
men of Newcastell " (1429), or when John Carpenter — 

' One deed of reformation speaks of " the diminution of the means of 
the hospital and the small number of lepers who resort thither."' {Pap. 
Lett. 1 430- 1.) 



THE LAZAR-HOUSE 45 

for over twenty years town-clerk of London — bequeaths 
money to poor lepers at Holborn, Locks and Hackney 
(1441). 

In 1464, when confirming Holy Innocents', Lincoln, to 
Burton Lazars, Edward IV renewed Henry VI's stipulation 
that three leprous retainers should still be supported : — 
"to fynde and susteyn there yerely for ever, certeyn 
Lepurs of cure menialx Seruauntez and of oure Heires 
& Successours, yf eny suche be founde." The king 
relinquished some property near Holloway (Middlesex), 
in order to provide a retreat for infected persons. In 
the year 1480 there were a few lepers at Lydd, who were 
allowed to share in the festivities when the quarrels be- 
tween Edward IV and Louis XI came to an end. The 
ships of the Cinque Ports had been requisitioned, includ- 
ing "the George" of Romney. The town-clerk of Lydd 
makes an entry of ^d. " Paid to the leperys, whenne the 
George was fette home fro Hethe."^ 

(e) Sixteenth Century 

Cases of true leprosy were now of rare occurrence. 
Probably leper hospitals were in the main only nominally 
such, as a testator hints in 1519, bequeathing a legacy 
"to every Alms House called Lepars in the Shire of 
Kent." But although the social conditions of the country 
improved during the Tudor period, they were still low 
enough continually to engender pestilence. When 
Erasmus visited England, he was struck by the filthy 
habits which were prevalent ; but the avengers of 
neglect of cleanliness were now plague and the sweat- 
ing sickness. In some few cases old hospitals were 
1 Hist. MSS. sth R. p. 527 a. 



46 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

utilized for the sufferers. The plague having lately raged 
in Newcastle, it was recorded in the Chantry Certificate of 
St. Mary Magdalene's (1546) that it was once used for 
lepers, but " syns that kynde of sickeness is abated it is 
used for the comforte and heipe of the poore folks that 
chaunceth to fall sycke in tyme of pestilence." 

The south-west corner of England was now the last 
stronghold of leprosy. St. Margaret's, Honiton, had 
been refounded about 1530. A new leper-hospital was 
built at Newton Bushell near Exeter in 1538: — 

"for the releff of powre lazar-people, whereof grete nomber 
with that diseas be now infectid in that partis, to the grete 
daunger of infection of moche people . . . for lacke of con- 
ueayent houses in the county of Devonshire for them." 

Even in 1580, none were admitted to St. Mary Mag- 
dalene's, Exeter, except "sick persons in the disease of 
the leprosy." About the same time it was reported that 
"for a long time there had been a great company of 
lazar-people " at Bodmin. 

A few of the old hospitals were kept up in different 
parts. In the first year of Edward VI (1547) it was 
enacted that all " leprouse and poore beddred creatures" 
who were inmates of charitable houses should continue 
in the places appointed, and be permitted to have 
proctors to gather alms for them. The Corporation MSS. 
of Hereford include a notification that year of the appoint- 
ment of collectors for "the house of leprous persons 
founded in the worship of St. Anne and St. Loye." 
Strype records similar licences granted to Beccles and 
Bury; and he also cites^ " A protection to beg, granted to 

^ Ecclesiastical Memorials, 11, 248. 



THE LAZAR-HOUSE 



47 



the poor lazars of the house of our Saviour Jesus Christ 
and Mar\- Magdalene, at Mile-end [in Stepney], and 
J. Mills appointed their proctor" (155 1). The sixteenth- 
century seal of this Domus Dei et S. Marie Magd. de 
Myle End (figured below shows a crippled leper and an 
infirm woman of the hospital. In 1553, ;£^6o was given to 
the lazar-houses round London on condition that inmates 
did not beg to people's annoyance within three miles. 

It has here been attempted to bring together some 
notes touching the extent and duration of leprosv during 
the Middle Ages, as affecting the provision and main- 
tenance of leper-hospitals. Into the nature of the disease 
itself we have not endeavoured to inquire, that being 
a scientific rather than an historical studv. Those who 
would go further into the subject must gain access to 
the writings of Sir James Simpson, Dr. C. Creighton, 
Dr. George Newman and others. 




SEAL OF THE LAZAR-HOUSE, MILE END 



CHAPTER V 

THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 

' ' From the benefactions and possessions charitably bestowed upon the hospital^ 
the hunger^ thirst and nakedness of those lepers^ and other wants and 
miseries with which they are incessantly afflicted . . . may be relieved." 

(Foundation Charter of Sherburn. ) 

WE now turn from leper-asylums to consider the 
leper himself — a sadly familiar figure to the way- 
faring man in the Middle Ages. He wears a 
sombre gown and cape, tightly closed ; a hood conceals 
his want of hair, which is, however, betrayed by the 
absence of eyebrows and lashes ; his limbs are maimed 
and stunted so that he can but hobble or crawl ; his 
features are ulcerated and sunken ; his staring eyes are 
unseeing or unsightly ; his wasted lips part, and a 
husky voice entreats help as he "extends supplicating 
lazar arms with bell and clap-dish." 

At the outset it is necessary to state that inmates of 
lazar-houses were not all true lepers. Persons termed 
leprosi, infirmi, elefantuosi, latiguidi, freres malades, 
7neselles, do not necessarily signify lepers in a strict sense. 
Gervase of Canterbury, writing about 1200, speaks of 
St. Oswald's, Worcester, as intended for '^Infirmi, item 
leprosi" ; and these words are used synonymously in Pipe 
Rolls, charters, seals, etc. "Leprosy" was an elastic 
term as commonly used. In the statutes of one hospital. 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 49 

the patriarch Job was claimed as a fellow-sufferer — "who 
was so smitten with the leprpsy, that from the sole of his 
foot to the crown of his head there was no soundness in 
him." A lazar was one " full of sores," and any person 
having an inveterate and loathsome skin-eruption might 
be considered infected. Disfiguring and malignant 
disorders were common. Victims of scrofula, lepra, lupus, 
tuberculosis, erysipelas (or "St. Anthony's fire"; and 
persons who had contracted disease as the baneful result 
of a life stained with sin, would sometimes take ad- 
vantage of the provision made for lepers, for in extremity 
of destitution this questionable benefit was not to be 
despised. In foreign lands to-day, some are found not 
unwilling to join the infected for the sake of food and 
shelter ; we are told, for example, that the Hawaiian 
Government provides so well for lepers that a difficulty 
arises in preventing healthy people from taking up their 
abode in the hospitals. On the other hand, it often 
happens that those who are actually leprous refuse to join 
a segregation-camp. 

No one, however, can deny that leprosy was once 
exceedingly prevalent, and after weighing all that might 
be said to the contrary, Sir J. Y. Simpson and Dr. George 
Newman were convinced that the disease existent in 
England was for the most part true leprosy {elepJiantiasis 
Grcecorurn). 

I. PIONEERS OF CHARITY 

One practical outcome of the religious revival of 
the twelfth century was a movement of charity towards 
the outcast. The Lazarus whom Jesus loved became 
linked in pious minds with that Lazarus ulceribus 

4 



50 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

plenus neglected by men, but now " in Abraham's 
bosom," and the thought took a firm hold of the heart 
and imagination. Abandoned by relatives, loathed by 
neighbours, the famished leper was now literally fed 
with crumbs of comfort from the rich man's table. 

The work of providing for "Christ's poor," begun by 
the great churchmen Lanfranc and Gundulf, was carried 
into the realm of personal service by Queen Maud (about 
iioi), the Abbot of Battle (before 1171) and Hugh, 
Bishop of Lincoln (about 1186). Queen Maud is the 
brightest ornament of the new movement. Like St. 
Francis of Assisi a century later, she "adopted those 
means for grappling with the evil that none but an 
enthusiast and a visionary would have taken." Aelred of 
Rievaulx relates how Prince David visited her and found 
the house full of lepers, in the midst of whom stood the 
queen. She washed, dried and even kissed their feet, 
telling her brother that in so doing she was kissing the 
feet of the Eternal King. When she begged him to 
follow her example, he withdrew smiling, afterwards 
confessing to Aelred : — " I was sore afraid and answered 
that I could on no account endure it, for as yet I did not 
know the Lord, nor had His spirit been revealed to me." 
Of Walter de Lucy, the chronicler of Battle Abbey 
writes : — 

" He especially compassionated the forlorn condition of those 
afflicted with leprosy and elephantiasis, whom he was so far from 
shunning', that he frequently waited upon them in person, 
washing their hands and feet, and, with the utmost cordiality, 
imprinting upon them the soothing kisses of love and piety." 

St. Hugh used to visit in certain hospitals, possibly 
those at Peterborough and Newark connected with the 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 51 

See or the Mallardry at Lincoln.^ He would even dwell 
among the lepers, eating with them and ministering to 
them, saying that he was inspired by the example of the 
Saviour and by His teaching concerning the beggar 
Lazarus. On one occasion, in reply to a remonstrance 
from his Chancellor, he said that these afiflicted ones were 
the flowers of Paradise, pearls in the coronet of the 
Eternal King.^ 

2. PUBLIC OPINION 

These noble pioneers were doubtless important factors 
in moulding public opinion. They may often have out- 
stepped the bounds of prudence, but, as one has ob- 
served, "an evil is removed only by putting it for a time 
into strong relief, when it comes to be rightly dealt with 
and so is gradually checked." As long as possible the 
world ignored the existence of leprosy. The thing was 
so dreadful that men shut their eyes to it, until they were 
shamed into action by those who dared to face the evil. 
The Canon of the Lateran Council of 11 79 acknowledged 
that unchristian selfishness had hitherto possessed men 
with regard to lepers. We need not suppose that the 
heroism of those who ministered to lepers was that which 
boldly faces a terrible risk, but it was rather that which 
overcomes the strongest repulsion for hideous and noi- 
some objects. There is no hint in the language of the 
chroniclers of encountering danger, but rather, expres- 
sions of horror that any should hold intercourse with such 
loathsome creatures. The remonstrances of Prince David 
and of William de Monte were not primarily on account 
of contagion. — "What is it that thou doest, O my lady? 

^ See p. 180. ' Chron. and Mem, 37, Magna Vita^ pp. 162-5. 



52 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

surely if the King knew this, he would not deign to kiss 
with his lips your mouth thus polluted with the feet of 
lepers!" "When I saw Bishop Hugh touch the livid 
face of the lepers, kiss their sightless eyes or eyeless 
sockets, I shuddered with disgust." — If St. Francis 
raised an objection to inmates wandering outside their 
precincts, it was because people could not endure the sight 
of them. The popular opinion regarding the contagious 
nature of the disease developed strongly, however, to- 
wards the close of the twelfth century. The Canon De 
Leprosis (Rome, 1179; Westminster, 1200) declares em- 
phatically that lepers cannot dwell with healthy men. 
Englishmen begin to act consistently with this convic- 
tion. The Prior of Taunton (1174-85) separates a monk 
from the company of the brethren " in fear of the danger 
of this illness " ; and the Durham chronicler mentions 
an infirmary for those "stricken with the contagion of 
leprosy." 

3. CIVIL JURISDICTION 

(a) The Writ for Removal. — The right to expel lepers 
was acknowledged before it was legally enforced. An 
entry upon the statute-book may be merely the official 
recognition of an established custom. The fact that 
where use and wont are sufficiently strong, law is un- 
necessary, is illustrated to-day in Japan, where public 
opinion alone enforces the separation of lepers. At length 
English civil law set its seal upon the theory of infection 
by the writ De Leproso Amovendo, authorizing the expul- 
sion of lepers on account of manifest peril by contagion. 
An early instance of removal occurs in the Curia Regis 
Rolls (1220). It is mentioned that William, son of 
Nicholas Malesmeins, had been consigned with the assent 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 53 

of his friends to a certain Maladria in Bidelington, where 
he abode for two years. This was the leper-house near 
Bramber, mentioned four years previously in a Close Roll 
as "the hospital of the infirm of St. Mary Magdalene of 
Bidelington." 

Legislation on this subject was chiefly local. The 
Assizes of London had proclaimed in 1276 that "no 
leper shall be in the city, nor come there, nor make any 
stay there." Edward III supplemented existing measures 
by an urgent local edict for London and Middlesex. The 
royal proclamation sets forth that many publicly dwell 
among the citizens, being smitten with the taint of 
leprosy ; these not only injure people by the contagion 
of their polluted breath, but they even strive to contami- 
nate others by a loose and vicious life, resorting to houses 
of ill-fame, " that so, to their own wretched solace, they 
may have the more fellows in suffering."^ All persons 
proved leprous — citizens or others, of whatever sex or con- 
dition — are to quit the city within fifteen days, "and 
betake themselves to places in the country, solitary, and 
notably distant from the city and suburbs." This order, 
sent to the mayor, was followed by a proclamation to the 
sheriff of the county. Lepers are to abandon the high- 
ways and field-ways between the city and Westminster, 
where several such persons sit and stay, associating with 
whole men, to the manifest danger of passers-by.^ 

This social problem continued to vex municipal au- 
thorities. A precept was issued (1369) "that no leper 
beg in the street for fear of spreading infection." The 
porters of the eight principal gates of the city were sworn 

^ Rile\', Memorials of London^ 230. 

- Close 1J46 pt. i. m. iS d, 14 d, and 1348 pt. i. m. 25 d. 



54 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

to refuse them admittance. (That barbers — forerunners of 
the barber-chirurgeons — were included among the gate- 
keepers in 1310 and 1375, was perhaps due to their sup- 
posed capability of recognizing diseases.) If a leper 
tried to enter, he should forfeit his horse or his outer 
garment, arid if persisting, be taken into custody. The 
foreman at "le loke " and an official at the Hackney 
lazar-house were also bound to prevent their entry into 
the city. 

The " Customs of Bristol," written down by the recorder 
in 1344, declare " that in future no leper reside within the 
precincts of the town." Imprisonment was the penalty — a 
plan of doubtful wisdom. The measures ordained by the 
burgesses of Berwick-on-Tweed were summary : — 

" No leper shall come within the gates of the borough ; and 
if one gets in by chance, the Serjeant shall put him out at once. 
If one wilfully forces his way in, his clothes shall be taken off 
him and burnt, and he shall be turned out naked. For we have 
already taken care that a proper place for lepers shall be kept 
up outside the town, and that alms shall be there given to 
them."i 

It was comparatively easy for the civic authorities to con- 
trol the ejection of lepers when the asylum was under their 
supervision, as it frequently was. At Exeter, ecclesiastical 
leniency permitted a continuance of the custom (which 
was already "ancient" in 1163) of allowing lepers to 
circulate freely in the town. In 1244 the bishop seems to 
have agreed with the mayor and corporation about the in- 
advisability of the practice ; and he resigned the guardian- 
ship of the lazar-house, accepting in its stead that of 
St. John's hospital. 

' Toulmin Smith, Gilds, 241. 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 55 

Municipal documents record the expulsion of lepers. 
In Gloucester (1273), Richard, Alice and Matilda gave 
trouble and would remain within the town "to the great 
damage and prejudice of the inhabitants." John Mayn, 
after repeated warnings to provide for himself some 
dwelling outside London, was sworn to depart forthwith 
and not return, on pain of the pillory (1372), A Leet 
Roll among the records of Norwich states that 
"Thomas Tytel Webstere is a leper, therefore he must 
go out of the city" (1375). In the following instances, 
the infected were consigned to hospitals. Margaret 
Taylor came before the keepers of Beverley in the Gild 
Hall, and asked by way of charity permission to have 
a bed in the lepers' house outside Keldgate Bar, which 
request was granted (1394). The town-clerk of Lydd 
makes an entry of ten shillings " Paied for delyvere of 
Simone Reede unto the howse of Lazaris " {circa 1460). 
The manorial court sometimes dealt with such cases. 
That of the Bishop of Ely at Littleport recorded (1321) : — 
"The jurors say upon their oath that Joan daughter of 
Geoffrey Whitring is leprous. Therefore be she set 
apart."! 

The law evidently had no power to touch a leper unless 
he made himself a source of public danger. No one 
interfered with him as long as he remained in a quiet 
hiding-place, quitting it, perhaps, only at night. Indi- 
viduals, sheltered by the affection or self-interest of rela- 
tives, might never come under the ban of the law : in 
the Norwich records, for example, Isabella Lucas seems 
to have been allowed to remain at home (1391). Judge 
Fitz-Herbert, commenting on the writ of removal, observes 

' Selden Soc. , Court Baron, p. 134. 



56 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

that it lies where a leper is dwelling in a town, and will 
come into the church or amongst his neighbours.^ 

English legislation was never severe regarding lepers. 
We may believe that the tolerant spirit of a certain 
thirteenth-century Scottish canon prevailed throughout 
Great Britain. Lepers, it was declared, might well fulfil 
their parochial obligations, but "if they cannot be in- 
duced to do so, let no coercion be employed, seeing that 
affliction should not be accumulated upon the afflicted, 
but rather their misfortunes commiserated."^ In France, 
however, upon one terrible occasion, Philip V was guilty 
of the abominable cruelty of burning lepers on the pre- 
text that they had maliciously poisoned wells. Mezeray 
says: — "they were burned alive in order that the fire 
might purify at once the infection of the body and of the 
soul." The report of this inhuman act reached England 
and was recorded both in the Chronicle of Lanercost 
(under date 1318) and also by John Capgrave, who 
says : — 

" And in this same yere [1318] the Mysseles [lepers] thorow 
oute Cristendam were slaundered that thai had mad couenaunt 
with Sarasines for to poison alle Cristen men, to put uenym in 
wellis, and alle maner uesseles that long: to mannes use ; of 
whech malice mony of hem were conuicte, and brent, and many 
Jewes that gave hem councel and coumfort. " ^ 

(b) Property. — ^The legal status of the leper must now 
be examined. When pronounced a leper in early da)'s, 
a man lost not only his liberty, but the right to inherit 
or bequeath property. A manuscript Norman law-book 

^ jXafura Brevium, ed. 1652 p. 584. 

Wilkins, Conn'/. Mag. i. 616. 
'* Chron. and Mem., 1. 186. 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 57 

declares "that the mezel cannot be heir to any one." 
In the days of Stephen, for example, Brien Fitz-Count 
was lord of Wallingford and Abergavenny. "He had 
two sons, whom, being lepers, he placed in the Priory 
of Bergavenny and gave lands and tithes there to for 
their support," bequeathing his property to other kins- 
men. Again, two women of the Fitz-Fulke family 
appeared in the King's Court (1203) in a dispute about 
property at Sutton in Kent : Avice urged that Mabel, 
having a brother, had no claim — "but against this 
Mabel says that he is a leper. "^ Even a grant made by 
such a person was void. In 1204 King John committed 
the lands of William of Newmarch to an official who should 
answer for them at the Exchequer, but "if he have given 
away any of his lands after he fell sick of the leprosy, 
cause the same to be restored to his barony."^ This 
illustrates Bracton's statement that "a leprous person 
who is placed out of the communion of mankind cannot 
give . . . as he cannot ask," and, again, " if the claimant 
be a leper and so deformed that the sight of him is in- 
supportable, and such that he has been separated . . . 
[he] cannot plead or claim an inheritance."^ 

On the other hand. Lord Coke declares that "ideots, 
leapers &c. may be heires," and he comments thus upon 
Bracton and Britton : — "if these ancient writers be under- 
stood of an appearance in person, I think their opinions 
are good law ; for [lepers] ought not to sue nor defend 
in proper person, but by atturney."* Possibly the 
Norman custom of disinheritance prevailed in England 
at one time and then died out. The case of Adam 

' Selden Soc, 3, No. 157. ^ Rot. Litt. Claus. 6 John m. 21. 

' Chron. and Mem., 70, i. 95 ; vi. 325. '' First Institutes, p. 8a., 135b. 



58 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

de Gaugy proves that in 1278 this Northumbrian baron 
was not liable to forfeiture. He was excused, indeed, from 
appearing in the presence of Edward I, but was directed 
to swear fealty to an official. Although spoken of as his 
brother's heir, Adam did not long enjoy his property. 
He died the same year, childless, but leaving a widow 
{Eve), and the barony passed to a kinsman.^ 

The Norman maxim that the leper "may possess the 
inheritance he had before he became a leper" is illus- 
trated by the story of the youthful heir of Nicholas de 
Malesmeins. Having attained full age, he left the hospital 
where he had been confined, appeared before his feudal 
lord, did homage, made his payment, and entered his 
fief. 2 

4. ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION 

Although leprosy was a penal offence, only laymen 
could be cited and dealt with by the king, mayor or 
feudal lord. Clerks in holy orders had to answer to their 
bishop. In the case of parochial clergy, the diocesan 
was responsible for their suspension from office, as stated 
by the Canon De Leprosis. Lucius III (1181-1 185) decreed 
that they must serve by coadjutors and wrote to the 
Bishop of Lincoln on this subject.^ The episcopal regis- 
ters of Lincoln afterwards record the case of the rector 
of Seyton (1310). Several leprous parish priests are 
named in other registers, e.g. St. Neot, 1314 (Exeter), 
Colyton, 1330 (Exeter), Castle Carrock, 1357 (Carlisle). 
In the latter instance, the bishop having learned with 
sorrow that the rector was infected and unable to ad- 

^ Inquisition, cf. Rot. Curia Scacc. Abb., i. 33. 

'•^ Curia Reg-is Rolls, 72, m. 18 d. 

^ Concilioricvi Omnium^ ed. 1567, III, 700 (cap. 4). 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 



59 



minister the sacraments, cited him to appear at Rose with 
a view to appointing a coadjutor.^ It was ordered by 
Clement III that when clergy were thus removed, they 
should be supported from the fruits of their benefices. 
Sir Philip, the leper-priest of St. Neot in Cornwall, was 
allowed two shillings a week, besides twenty shillings 
a year for clothing. He was permitted to keep the best 
room in his vicarage and the adjoining chambers, except 
the hall. The rest of the house was partitioned off for the 
curate, the door between them being walled up.- 



5. EXAMINATION OF SUSPECTED PERSONS 

The duty of reporting and examining cases fell to the 
clergy, doctors, civil officers or a jury of discreet men. 
(Cf. Fig. 7.) A curiously compli- 
cated lawsuit brought into the 
King's Court in 1220 relates how 
a certain man had custody of the 
children of Nicholas de Males- 
meins. When the eldest-born 
became a leper, his perplexed 
guardian took the young man 
to the King's Exchequer, and 
before the barons of the Ex- 
chequer he was adjudged a 
leper, and consigned to a hospital. (See pp. 52, 58.) 

In ordinary cases, the leper would show himself to the 
parish priest as the only scholar. It was the village 
priest who helped the stricken maiden to enter " Badele 
Spital " near Darlington, and afterwards attested her 

' Reg-. Welton. Cited \'ict. Co. Hist. 
Reg". Stapeldon, p. 342. 




7. LEPER AND PHYSICIAN 



6o MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

cure, as related by Reginald of Durham. (Seep. 97.) The 
register of Bishop Bronescomb of Exeter declares that 
"it belongs to the office of the priest to distinguish be- 
tween one form of leprosy and another." It was the duty 
of the clergy to take cognizance of cases, but it was not 
always politic to interfere. In 1433 the parson of Sparham 
endeavoured to get a parishioner, John Folkard, to with- 
draw from the company of other men because he was 
" gretely infect with the sekeness of lepre." The vicar 
advertised him to depart, for "his sekenes was contagious 
and myght hurte moche people." After much disputing, 
John went off to Norwich and took an action for trespass 
against the parson before the sheriffs. Whereupon the 
vicar had to appeal in chancery.^ 

The writ of removal ordered the careful investigation 
of cases in the presence of discreet and lawful men having 
the best knowledge of the accused person and his disease. 
Probably the best was not very good, for many judged by 
the outward appearance only. The Bishop of Lincoln, 
directing the resignation of a clergyman (1310), says that 
he is besprinkled with the spot of leprosy. The decree of 
1346 condemns "all those who are found infected with 
leprous spots " to be removed. Anthony Fitz-Herbert, 
writing in 1534, points out that the writ is for those "who 
appear to the sight of all men that they are lepers," by 
their voice, disfigurement and noisome condition. 

In medical treatises, great stress was laid on the neces- 
sity of investigation with pondering and meditation. 
The Rosa Anglica of John of Gaddesden (physician to 
Edward II) declares that " no one is to be adjudged a 
leper, and separated from intercourse of mankind, until 

' P. R. O. Early Chancery Proceedings, Bundle 46, No. 158. 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 6i 

the figure and form of the face is actually changed." 
The contemporary French doctor, Gordon, uses almost 
the same words ; and, repeating his precautions, observes 
that "lepers are at the present day very injudiciously 
judged." A later writer, Guy de Chauliac {circa 1363) 
says : — 

" In the examination and judgement of lepers, there must be 
much circumspection, because the injury is very great, whether 
we thus submit to confinement those that ought not to be con- 
fined, or allow lepers to mix with the people, seeing the disease 
is contagious and infectious." 

Sir J. Simpson gives copious extracts from Guy's Chi- 
nirgia, which has also been translated into modern French 
(1890). Guy describes fully the examination of a sus- 
pected person, giving in detail all possible symptoms. 
It may here be observed that Bartholomew Angltcus, 
his contemporary, enumerates among the causes pre- 
disposing to leprosy, dwelling and oft talking with leprous 
men, marriage and heredity, evil diet — e.g. rotten meat, 
measled hogs, flesh infected with poison, and the biting 
of a venomous worm : " in these manners and in many 
other the evil of lepra breedeth in man's body." Guy 
advises the doctor to inquire if the person under examina- 
tion comes of tainted stock, if he have conversed with 
lepers, etc. He must then consider and reconsider the 
equivocal and unequivocal signs of disease. After a 
searching investigation — not to be confined to one day — 
the patient must either be set free {absolvendus) with a 
certificate, or separated from the people and conducted to 
the lazar-house. 

About the time that John of Gaddesden was professor 
of medicine at Oxford (1307-1325), and was writing upon 



62 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

leprosy, "experienced physicians" were summoned to 
examine a provincial magnate. The mayor and bailiffs of 
royal Winchester had been over-zealous "under colour 
of the king's late order to cause lepers who were amongst 
the healthy citizens to be expelled." It was surely a 
bitter hour to Peter de Nutle, late mayor of the grand old 
city, when his successor and former colleagues hounded 
him out! But there was justice for one "falsely accused "; 
and subsequently an order of redress was sent, not with- 
out rebuke to the civic authorities for their malicious 
behaviour towards a fellow-citizen : — 

"as it appears, from the inspection and examination before our 
council by the council and by physicians expert in the know- 
ledge of this disease, that the said Peter is whole and clean, 
and infected in no part of his body. " 

A few days later the sheriff of Hampshire was directed 
to make a proclamation to the same effect, so that Peter 
might dwell as he was wont unmolested. ^ 

The royal mandate of 1346 reiterated the stipulation 
that men of knowledge should inquire into suspected 
cases. It therefore seems unlikely that a London baker 
ejected in 1372 was merely suffering from an inveterate 
eczema, as has been suggested. Careless as were the 
popular notions of disease, medical diagnosis was be- 
coming more exact ; four kinds of leprosy were dis- 
tinguished, of which " leonine " and " elephantine " were 
the worst. 

There is an interesting document extant concerning a 
certain woman who lived at Brentwood in 1468. She was 
indicted by a Chancery warrant, but acquitted on the 

' Close 6 Edw. II, m. 21 d. ' 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 63 

authority of a medical certificate of healtii. The neigh- 
bours of Johanna Nightingale petitioned against her, 
complaining that she habitually mixed with them and 
refused to retire to a solitary place, although " infected by 
the foul contact of leprosy." A writ was therefore issued 
by Edward IV commanding a legal inquiry. Finally, 
Johanna appeared before a medical jury in the presence 
of the Chancellor. They examined her person, touched 
and handled her, made mature and diligent investigation, 
going through over forty distinctive signs of disease. She 
was at length pronounced " utterly free and untainted," 
and the royal physicians were prepared to demonstrate 
this in Chancery " by scientific process." ^ 

6. TREATMENT OF THE BODY 

Alleviation was sometimes sought in medicinal waters. 
Here and there the site of a hospital seems to have been 
selected on account of its proximity to a healing spring, 
e.g. Harbledown, Burton Lazars, Peterborough, Newark, 
and Nantwich. In various places there are springs 
known as the Lepers' Well, frequented by sufferers of 
bygone days. 

Tradition ascribes to bathing some actual cures of 
"leprosy." Bladud the Briton, a prehistoric prince, was 
driven from home because he was a leper. At length he 
discovered the hot springs of Bath, where instinct had 
already taught diseased swine to wallow : Bladud, too, 
washed and was clean. The virtue of the mineral waters, 
well known to the Romans, was also appreciated by the 
Saxons ; possibly the baths were frequented by lepers 

' Close Roll, Rymer, ed. 1710, ix. 365. Translated, Simpson, Arch. 
Essays. 



64 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

from early days, for there was long distributed in Bath "an 
ancient alms to the poor and leprous of the foundation of 
Athelstan, Edgar and Ethelred." A small bath was after- 
wards set apart for their use, to which the infected flocked. 
Leland notes that the place was "much frequentid of 
People diseasid with Lepre, Pokkes, Scabbes, and great 
Aches," who found relief. A story similar to that of 
Bladud, but of later date, comes from the eastern 
counties : a certain man, sorely afflicted with leprosy, was 
healed by a spring in Beccles, near which in gratitude he 
built a hospital. 

There was rivalry between the natural water of Bath 
and the miraculous water of Canterbury ; the latter 

consisted of a drop of St. 
Thomas' blood many times 
diluted from the well in the 
crypt of the cathedral.^ 
William of Canterbury, a 
prejudiced critic, is careful 
to relate how a leper-monk 
of Reading, Elias by name, 
went with his abbot's ap- 
proval to Bath desiring to 
ease his pain, and there 
sought earnestly of the phy- 
sicians whatever he was able 
to gather from them. " He set his hope in the warmth 
of the sulphur and not in the wonder-working martyr," 
says William. After forty days in Bath, Elias set out for 
Canterbury, but secretly, pretending to seek medicine in 
London ; because (adds the chronicler) the abbot honoured 

^ Chron. and Mem., 67, i. 416. 




8. ELIAS, LEPER MONK 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 65 

the martyr less than he ought to have done, and might 
not have countenanced the pilgrimage. On his way, 
Elias met returning pilgrims, who gave him some of the 
water of St. Thomas (Fig. 8) ; he applied this externally 
and internally and became well.^ Dfest any should doubt 
the miracle, Benedict of Canterbury tells us that many 
who were especially skilled in the art of medicine 
used to say that Elias was smitten with a terrible leprosy, 
and he proceeds to detail the horrible symptoms. In the 
end, however, William declares that he who had been so 
ulcerated that he might have been called another Lazarus, 
now appeared pleasant in countenance, as was plain to all 
who saw him. What the Bath doctors and Bath waters 
could not do, that the miraculous help of St. Thomas 
had achieved. 

We see from the story of the monk Elias that the 
ministrations of the physician and the use of medicine 
were sought by lepers. Bartholomew says that the 
disease, although incurable "but by the help of God" 
when once confirmed, "may be somewhat hid and let, 
that it destroy not so soon " ; and he gives instructions 
about diet, blood-letting, purgative medicines, plasters 
and ointments. Efficacious too was (we are told) the 
eating of a certain adder sod with leeks. 

There is no information forthcoming as to the remedial 
treatment of lepers in hospital. The only narrative we 
possess is Chatterton's lively description of St. Bartholo- 
mew's, Bristol, the Roll of which he professed to find ; it 
satisfied Barrett, a surgeon, and a local, though uncritical, 
historian. A father of the Austin Friary came to shrive 
the lepers (for which he received ten marks) and to dregs 

^ Id. ii. 2^2. 



66 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

their sores (for which he was given fifty marks) saying, 
" lette us cure both spryte and bodye." When barber- 
surgeons came for an operation — " whanne some doughtie 
worke ys to bee donne on a Lazar " — friars attended " leste 
hurte ande scathe bee done to the lepers." The friars' 
knowledge was such that barber-surgeons were willing to 
attend " wythoute paye to gayne knowleche of aylimentes 
and theyr trew curis." 

7. TREATMENT OF THE SPIRIT 

Disease was sometimes regarded as an instrument of 
divine wrath, as in the scriptural case of Gehazi. Thus 
Gilbert de Saunervill after committing sacrilege was smit- 
ten with leprosy, whereupon he confessed with tears that 
he merited the scourge of God. The popular view that it 
was an expiation for sin is shown in the romance of Cres- 
seid false to her true knight. But except in signal cases 
of wrong-doing this morbid idea was not prominent; and 
the phrase "struck by the secret judgement of God " im- 
plies visitation rather than vengeance. Indeed, the use 
of the expression "Christ's martyrs" suggests that the 
leper's affliction was looked upon as a sacrifice — an atti- 
tude which illuminated the mystery of pain. St. Hugh 
preached upon the blessedness of such sufferers : they 
were in no wise under a curse, but were " beloved of God 
as was Lazarus." 

Those responsible for the care of lepers long ago 
realized exactly what is experienced by those who carry 
on the same extraordinarily difficult work to-day, namely, 
that leprosy develops to a high degree what is worst in 
man. Bodily torture, mental anguish, shattered nerves 
almost amounting to insanity, render lepers wearisome 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 67 

and offensive to themselves no less than to others. These 
causes, together with the absence of the restraining 
influences of family life, make them prone to rebellious 
conduct, irritability, ingratitude and other evil habits. 
Hope was, and is, the one thing to transform such lives, 
else intolerable in their wintry desolation. St. Hugh 
therefore bade lepers look for the consummation of the 
promise: — " Who shall change our vile body, that it may 
be fashioned like unto His glorious Body."^ 

Alleviation of the agonized mind of the doomed victim 
was undertaken first by the physician and afterwards by 
the priest. A recognized part of the remedial treatment 
advocated by Guy was to comfort the heart. His counsel 
shows that doctors endeavoured to act as physicians of 
the soul, for they were to impress upon the afflicted person 
that this suffering was for his spiritual salvation. The 
priest then fulfilled his last duty towards his afflicted 
parishioner : — 

"The priest . . . makes his way to the sick man's home 
and addresses him with comforting words, pointing- out and 
proving that if he blesses and praises God, and bears his sick- 
ness patiently, he may have a sure and certain hope that 
though he be sick in body, he may be whole in soul, and may 
receive the gift of eternal salvation." 

The affecting scene at the service which followed may 
be pictured from the form in Appendix A. There was a 
certain tenderness mingled with "the terrible ten com- 
mandments of man." The priest endeavours to show the 
leper that he is sharing in the afflictions of Christ. For 

^ Compare the title of a modern leper-house at Kumanioto in Kiushiu, 
known as '*The Hospital of the Resurrection of Hope" : and in Japanese 
Kwaishun Byoin — "the coming again of spring." 



68 MEDI/EVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

his consolation the verse of Isaiah is recited : — "Surely He 
hath borne our griefs and carried our sorrows, yet did we 
esteem Him as a leper, smitten of God and afflicted." 
The same passage from the Vulgate is quoted in the 
statutes for the lepers of St. Julian's:— "among all infirm- 
ities the disease of leprosy is more loathsome than any 
. . . yet ought they not on that account to despair or 




murmur against God, but rather to praise and glorify Him 
who was led to death as a leper." 

After separation the fate of the outcast is irrevocably 
sealed. Remembering the exhortation, he must never 
frequent places of public resort, nor eat and drink with 
the sound ; he must not speak to them unless they are on 
the windward side, nor may he touch infants or young 
folk. Henceforth his signal is the clapper, by which he 
gives warning of his approach and draws attention to his 



THE LEPER IN ENGLAND 69 

request. (Fig. 26.) This instrument consisted of tablets of 
wood, attached at one end with leather thongs, which 
made a loud click when shaken. In England, a bell 
was often substituted for this dismal rattle. Stow and 
Holinshed refer to the "clapping of dishes and ringing 
of bels " by the lazar. The poor creature of shocking 
appearance shown in Fig. 9 holds in his one remaining 
hand a bell. His piteous cry is " Sum good, my gentyll 
mayster, for God sake." This was the beggar's common 
appeal : in an Early English Legendary, a mesel cries 
to St. Francis, " Sum good for godes love." 

Compelled to leave home and friends, many a leper 
thus haunted the highway — his only shelter a dilapidated 
hovel, his meagre fare the scraps put into his dish. To 
others, the lines fell in more pleasant places, for in the 
hospital pain and privation were softened by kindness. 



CHAPTER VI 
FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 

"Hospitals . . . founded as Tsiellhy the noble kings of this realm and lords 
and ladies both spiritual and temporal as by others of divers estates, in 
aid and merit of the souls of the said founders." 

(Parliament of Leicester.) 

AS our period covers about six centuries, some rough 
^ subdivision is necessary, but each century can 
show patrons of royal birth, benevolent bishops 
and barons, as well as charitable commoners. The roll- 
call is long, and includes many noteworthy names. 

FIRST PERIOD (BEFORE I066) 

First, there is the shadowy band of Saxon benefactors. 
Athelstan, on his return from the victory of Brunanburh 
(937), helped to found St, Peter's hospital, York, giving 
not only the site, but a considerable endowment. (See 
p. 185.) Among other founders was a certain noble and 
devoted knight named Acehorue, lord of Flixton in the 
time of the most Christian king Athelstan, who pro- 
vided a refuge for wayfarers in Holderness. Two 
Saxon bishops are named as builders of houses for the 
poor. To St. Oswald (Bishop of Worcester, died 992) is 
attributed the foundation of the hospital called after him ; 
but the earliest documentary reference to it is by Gervase 
of Canterbury (circa 1200). St. Wulstan (died 1094) P''^" 

70 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 



71 



vided the wayfarers' hostel at Worcester which continued 
to bear his name. Wulstan, last of the Saxon founders, 
forms a fitting link with Lanfranc, foremost of those 
Norman "spiritual lords" who were to build hospitals 
on a scale hitherto unknown in England. 

SECOND PERIOD (1066-I272) 

Lanfranc erected the hospitals of St. John, Canterbury, 
and St. Nicholas, Harbledown ; these charities remain 
to this day as memorials of the archbishop. His friend 
Bishop Gundulf of Rochester founded a lazar-house near 
that city. In Queen Maud, wife of Henry I, the bishop 
found a ready disciple. Her mother, Margaret of Scotland, 
had trained her to love the poor and minister to them. 
St. Margaret's special care had been for pilgrims, for 
whom she had provided a hospital 
at Queen's-ferry, Edinburgh. The 
"holy Queen Maud," as we have 
seen, served lepers with enthu- 
siasm, and she established a home 
near London for them. (Fig. lo.) 
Henry I caught something of his 
lady's spirit. "The house of 
St. Bartholomew [Oxford] was 
founded by our lord old King Henry, who married 
the good queene Maud ; and it was assigned for the 
receiving and susteyning of infirme leprose folk," 
says Wood, quoting a thirteenth-century Inquisition. 
Henry endowed his friend Gundulf's foundation at 
Rochester, and probably also "the king's hospital" 
near Lincoln, which had possibly been begun by Bishop 
Remigius ; that of Colchester was built by his steward 




10. "THE MEMORIAL OF 
MATILDA THE QUEEN" 



72 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Eudo at his command, and was accounted of the king's 
foundation. Matilda, daughter of Henry and Maud, left 
a benefaction to lepers at York. 

King Stephen reconstructed St. Peter's hospital, York, 
after a great fire. (Cf. PI. XXIV, XXV.) His wife, 
Matilda of Boulogne, founded St. Katharine's, London, 
which continues to this day under the patronage of the 
queens-consort. Henry II made considerable bequests 
for the benefit of lazars, but it is characteristic that his 
hospital building was in Anjou. Richard I endowed 
Bishop Glanvill's foundation at Strood. King John is 
thought to have founded hospitals near Lancaster, New- 
bury and Bristol. He is sometimes regarded as the con- 
spicuous patron of lepers. Doubtless this may be partly 
attributed to the fact that at the outset of his reign the 
Church secured privileges to outcasts by the Council of 
Westminster (1200). There seems, however, to be some 
ground for his charitable reputation. Bale, in his drama 
Kynge Johan, makes England say concerning this king : — 

" Never prynce was there that made to poore peoples use 
So many masendewes, hospytals and spyttle howses, 
As your grace hath done yet sens the worlde began." 

" Gracyouse prouysyon for sore, sycke, halte and lame 
He made in hys tyme, he made both in towne and cytie, 
Grauntynge great lyberties for mayntenaunce of the same, 
By markettes and fayers in places of notable name. 
Great monymentes are in Yppeswych, Donwych and Berye, 
Whych noteth hym to be a man of notable mercye."^ 

Indeed, as the Suffolk satirist knew by local tradition, 
King John did grant the privilege of a fair to the lepers 
of Ipswich. 

' Camden Soc. , 1838, pp. 82, 85. 



PLATE VI 




ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S, GLOUCESTER 




ST. MARY'S, CHICHESTER 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 73 

Henry III erected houses of charity at Woodstock, 
Dunwich and Ospringe, as well as homes for Jews in 
London and Oxford. He refounded St. John's in the 
latter city, and laid the first stone himself; he seems also 
to have rebuilt St. John's, Cambridge, and St. James', 
Westminster. The king loved Gloucester — the place of 
his coronation — and he re-established St. Bartholomew's, 
improving the buildings (PI. VI) and endowment. 
The new hospitals of Dover and Basingstoke were com- 
mitted to his care by their founders. Of Henry IH's 
charities only that of St. James', Westminster, was for 
lepers ; but St. Louis, who was with him while on crusade, 
told Joinville that on Holy Thursday (i.e. Maundy Thurs- 
day) the king of England "now with us" washes the 
feet of lepers and then kisses them. The ministry of 
the good queen Maud was thus carried on to the fifth 
generation. 

If history tells how Maud cared for lepers and provided 
for them in St. Giles', London, tradition relates that Adela 
of Louvain, the second wife of Henry I, was herself a 
leper, and that she built St. Giles', Wilton. A Chantry 
Certificate reports that "Adulyce sometym queue of Eng- 
lande " was the founder. The present inmates of the 
almshouse are naturally not a little puzzled by the 
modern inscription Hospitium S. Egidii Adelicia Reg. 
Hen. Fund. The local legend was formerly to be seen 
over the chapel door in a more intelligible and in- 
teresting form : — 

"This hospital! of St. Giles was re-edified (1624) by John 
Towgood, maior of Wilton, and his brethren, adopted patrons 
thereof, by the gift of Queen Adelicia, wife unto King Henry 



74 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

the First. This Adelicia was a leper. She had a windowe and 
dore from her lodgeing into the chancell of the chapel, whence 
she heard prayer. She lieth buried under a marble gravestone." 

Although in truth the widowed queen made a happy mar- 
riage with William d'Albini, and, when she died, was 
buried in an abbey in Flanders, she did endow a hospital 
at that royal manor — maybe to shelter one of her ladies, 
whose afHiction might give rise to the tale of "the leprosy 
queen " and her ghost. When a person of rank became 
a leper, the terrible fact was not disclosed when conceal- 
ment was possible. This is illustrated by another 
Wiltshire tradition — that of the endowment of the lazar- 
house at Maiden Bradley by one of the heiresses of 
Manser Bisset, dapifer of Henry IL The story is as 
old as Leland's day; and Camden says that she " being 
herselfe a maiden infected with the leprosie, founded 
an house heere for maidens that were lepers, and en- 
dowed the same with her owne Patrimonie and Livetide." 
Margaret Bisset was certainly free from all taint of 
leprosy in 1237, when she sought and gained permission 
to visit Eleanor of Brittany, the king's cousin. She 
was well known at court at this time, and a Patent Roll 
entry of 1242 records that: — "At the petition of Margery 
Byset, the king has granted to the house of St. 
Matthew [sic], Bradeleg, and the infirm sisters thereof, 
for ever, five marks yearly . . . which he had before 
granted to the said Margery for life." Another contem- 
porary deed (among the Sarum Docuvients) may support 
the legend of the leper-lady. It sets forth how Margaret 
Bisset desired to lead a celibate and contemplative life ; 
and therefore left her lands to the leper-hospital of Maiden 
Bradley on condition that she herself was maintained there. 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 75 

Many famous churchmen, statesmen and warriors were 
hospital builders. Among the episcopal founders who 
figured prominently in public affairs were the following. 
Ra.nulf Flambard — " the most infamous prince of publi- 
cans " under William Rufus — founded Kepier hospital, 
Durham. The warlike Heary de Blois, half-brother of 
Stephen, erected St. Cross near Winchester. Hugh de 
Puiset, being, as Camden says, "very indulgently com- 
passionate to Lepres," gathered them into his asylum at 
Sherburn, but it is hinted that his bounty was not al- 
together honestly come by. Again, "the high-souled 
abbot " Sampson — he who dared to oppose Prince John 
and also visited Richard in captivity — was the founder 
of St. Saviour's, at Bury St. Edmunds. 

Even in the troublous days of Stephen there were barons 
who were tender towards the afflicted. William le Gros, 
lord of Holderness, was one of these. He was the 
founder of St. Mary Magdalene's, Newton-by-Hedon, 
for a charter speaks of "the infirm whom William, Earl 
of Albemarle, placed there." The Chartulary of Whitby 
relates how the earl — " a mighty man and of great prowess 
and power " — was wasting the eastern parts of Yorkshire. 
Nevertheless he " was a lover of the poor and especially 
of lepers and was accustomed to distribute freely to them 
large alms." Abbot Benedict therefore bethought him of 
a plan whereby he might save the threatened cow-pastures 
of the abbey from devastation : he permitted the cattle 
belonging to the Whitby hospital to join the herds of the 
convent ; consequently the earl was merciful to that place 
on account of the lepers, and the herds fed together 
henceforth undisturbed. 

Another charitable lord was Ranulf de Glanvill — "jus- 



76 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

ticiary of the realm of England and the king's eye " — who 
with his wife Berta founded a leper-hospital at West 
Somerton upon land granted to him by Henry H. His 
nephew Gilbert de Glanvill built St. Mary's, Strood, near 
his cathedral city of Rochester {circa 1 193) ; the loyal 
bishop declaring in his charter that it was founded 
amongst other things " for the reformation of Christianity 




II. THE TOMB OF RAHERE 
(Founder and first prior of St. Bartholomew's) 



in the Holy Land and for the liberation of Richard the 
illustrious king of England." After the royal captive had 
been freed, he endowed his faithful friend's foundation 
with seven hundred acres of land. Among the leading 
men of the day who built hospitals were Geoffrey Fitz- 
Peter and William Briwere, Peter des Roches and Hubert 
de Burgh, together with Hugh and Joceline of Wells. 
Yet another distinguished bishop of this period must be 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 77 

mentioned, namely, Walter de Suffield, who was very liberal 
to the poor, especially in his city of Norwich. During 
his lifetime he established St. Giles' and drew up its 
statutes. He directed that as often as any bishop of the 
See went by, he should enter and give his blessing to the 
sick, and that the occasion should be marked by special 
bounty. His will shows a most tender solicitude for 
the welfare of the house, which he commended to his 
successor and his executors. 

Benefactors included not only men eminent in church 
and state, but " others of divers estates," clerical and lay 
commoners. Foremost of these stands Rahere, born of 
low lineage, but court-minstrel and afterwards priest. 
In obedience to a vision, he determined to undertake the 
foundation of a . hospital. He sought help from the 
Bishop of London, by whose influence he obtained from 
Henry I the site of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield. 
While many founders are forgotten, men delight to 
honour Rahere. The chronicler, who had talked with 
those who remembered him, records how he sympathized 
with the tribulation of the wretched, how he recognized 
their need, supported them patiently, and finally helped 
them on their way. Rahere's character is delightfully 
portrayed in the Book of the Foundation: — 

" whoose prouyd puryte of soule, bryght tnaners with honeste 
probyte, experte diligence yn dyuyne seruyce, prudent besynes 
yn temperalle mynystracyun, in hym were gretely to prayse and 
commendable." 

Other clerical founders include William, Dean of Chi- 
chester (St. Mary's), Walter the Archdeacon (St. John's, 
Northampton), Peter the chaplain (Lynn), Guarin the 



78 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

chaplain (Cricklade), Walter, Vicar of Long Stow, etc. 
Hug-h the hermit was reckoned the founder of Cockersand 
hospital, which grew into an abbey : — 

"Be it noted that the monastery was furst founded by Hugh 
Garthe, an heremyt of great perfection, and by such chari- 
table almes as [he] dyd gather in the countre he founded an 
hospitall." 

The leading townsfolk of England have long proved 
themselves generous. Gervase of Southampton is in the 
forefront of a line of merchant-princes and civic rulers 
who have also been benefactors of the needy. Gervase 
" le Riche" was evidently a capitalist, and it is recorded 
that he lent moneys to Prince John. His responsible 
office was that of portreeve ; it may be that while exercis- 
ing it, he witnessed sick pilgrims disembark and was 
moved to help them. Certainly, about the year 1185, 
Gervase built God's House (PI. VH) beside the quay, 
and his brother Roger became the first warden. Leland's 
version is as follows : — 

" Thys Hospitale was foundyd by 2 Marchauntes beyng 
Bretherne [whereof] the one was cauUyd Ge[rvasius] the other 
Protasius. . . . These 2 Brethern, as I there lernid, dweliyd 
yn the very Place wher the Hospitale is now. . . . These 2 
Brethern for Goddes sake cause[d] their House to be turnid to 
an Hospitale for poore Folkes, and endowed it with sum 
Landes." 

Among other citizen-founders of this period may be 
named Walter and Roesia Brune, founders of St. 
Mary's, Bishopsgate, London ; Hildebrand le Mercer, 
of Norwich ; and William Prodom and John Long, of 
Exeter, 



PLATE Vi 




'-^essj^- 



(;OI)'S HOUSE, SOUTHAMPTON 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 79 

THIRD PERIOD (1272-I540) 

Few royal builders or benefactors can be named at this 
time. Edward I, who, from various motives, set his face 
like a flint against the Jews, was a beneficent patron to 
those who were prepared to submit to Baptism ; and he 
reorganized and endowed his father's House of Converts. 
His charity, however, was of a somewhat belligerent 
character and partook of the nature of a crusade. He 
was always extremely harsh towards the unconverted Jew; 
his early training as champion of the Cross in the Holy 
Land helped to make him zealous in ridding his own 
kingdom of unbelievers. But before finally expelling 
them, he did his best for their conversion, enlisting the 
help of the trained and eloquent Dominican brethren. 
Edward with justice ordained that as by custom the 
goods of the converts became the king's, he should hence- 
forth "provide healthfully for their maintenance"; and 
he granted them a moiety of their property when they 
became, by Baptism, "sons and faithful members of the 
Church." The chevage, or Jewish poll-tax, and certain 
other Jewish payments, were appropriated to the Domus 
Conversorum, over i^soo being paid annually from the 
Exchequer. Edward took an interest in "the king's 
converts " and drew up careful regulations for them. 
Eleanor, his consort, was a benefactor of the royal hospital 
near the Tower, and she was also by tradition the founder 
of St. John's, Gorleston. 

The unhappy Richard II desired in his will that five 
or six thousand marks should be devoted to the main- 
tenance of lepers at Westminster and Bermondsey.^ 

^ Rolls of Pari, i Henry IV, vol. iii. 421, 



8o MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

The reference to "the chaplains celebrating before them 
for us " seems to imply that the king was the patron 
if not the founder ; possibly one house was that of 
Knightsbridge. The will of Henry VII provided for the 
erection of three great charitable institutions. He was 
at least liberal in this, that he began in his lifetime 
the conversion of his palace of Savoy into a noble 
hospital. (PI. XIV.) Its completion at the cost of 10,000 
marks was the only part of his plan carried out, and of 
the 40,000 marks designed to be similarly expended at 
York and Coventry, nothing more is heard. 

The great lords of this period who were founders 
are led by two distinguished kinsmen and counsellors 
of Edward III- — each a Henry of Lancaster and 
Steward of England. The father, when he was be- 
coming blind, erected St. Mary's at Leicester for fifty 
poor (1330), and his son doubled the foundation. 
Richard, Earl of Arundel — the victor of Sluys — be- 
gan to found the Maison Dieu, Arundel, in 1380, but 
he was executed on a charge of treason ; and the work 
ceased until his son, having obtained fresh letters-patent 
from Henry V (1423), set himself to complete the design. 
Several notable veterans of the French campaign may be 
mentioned as hospital builders, namely, Michael de la 
Pole (Kingston-upon-HuU), Sir Robert KnoUes (Ponte- 
fract), Walter, Lord Hungerford (Heytesbury)and William 
de la Pole (Ewelme) ; when the latter became unpopular 
and was executed as a traitor, his wife Alice — called on 
her tomb fundatrix — completed the building and endow- 
ment of God's House. (PI. XVII.) 

Although the benevolence of bishops now chiefly took the 
form of educational institutions, some well-known prelates 



PLATE VIII 




O 

o 



O 



O 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 8i 

erected hospitals. Bubwith^ — Treasurer of England under 
Henry IV — planned St. Saviour's, Wells, but it was not 
begun in his lifetime. Beaufort — Lord Chancellor and 
Cardinal — refounded St. Cross, but, owing to the York 
and Lancaster struggle, the design was not fully carried 
out. His rival Ohichele — the faithful Primate of Henry V 
— built not only All Souls, Oxford, but the bede-house 
at Higham Ferrers. There is a tradition that while keep- 
ing the sheep by the riverside he was met by William 
of Wykeham, who recognized his talents and provided 
for his education. He afterwards desired to found a col- 
lege in the place where he was baptized, and of this 
the almshouse formed part. William Smyth — founder of 
Brasenose — restored St. John's during his short episco- 
pate at Lichfield. When translated to Lincoln, he turned 
his attention to St. John's, Banbury, and bequeathed 
^loo towards erecting and repairing its buildings, in 
addition to ;^6o already bestowed upon it. " This man," 
says Fuller, " wheresoever he went, may be followed by 
the perfume of Charity he left behind him." 

It was undoubtedly townsfolk who were the principal 
founders of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The 
name of many an old merchant-prince is still a household 
word in his native place, where some institution remains 
as a noble record of his bounty. St. John's, Winchester, 
for example, was erected by an alderman, John Devenish, 
its revenues being increased by another of the family and 
by a later mayor; and the memory of benefactors was kept 
fresh by a "love-feast and merry meeting'' on the Sunday 
after Midsummer Day. William Elsyng established a 
large almshouse near Cripplegate. He was a mercer of 
influential position, being given a licence to travel in the 
6 



82 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

king's service beyond seas with Henry of Lancaster ; and 
it may have been this nobleman's charitable work in 
Leicester that inspired the foundation known as "Our 
Lady of Elsyngspital." 

A more famous London mercer, Richard Whittington, 
proved himself the "model merchant of the Middle Ages"; 
Lysons records his manifold beneficent deeds. Although 
he did not live long enough to carry out all his schemes, 
his executors completed them, and in particular, the alms- 
house attached to St. Michael Royal. In a deed drawn 
up after his death (1423) and now preserved in the Mercers' 
Hall, is a fine pen-and-ink sketch which depicts the pass- 
ing of this "father of the poor." (PI. IX.) John Carpenter 
and other friends stand round the sick man ; nor are we 
left in doubt as to the significance of the group at the foot 
of the bed — evidently twelve bedemen, led by one who 
holds a rosary in token of his intercessory office — it being 
recorded in the document that : — 

"the foresayde worthy and notable merchaunt, Richard 
Whittington, the which while he leued had ryght liberal and 
large hands to the needy and poure people, charged streitly on 
his death bed us his foresayde executors to ordeyne a house of 
almes, after his death . . . and thereupon fully he declared his 
will unto us." ^ 

The same benefactor not only repaired St. Bartholomew's, 
but added a refuge for women to St. Thomas', Southwark, 
as is set forth by William Gregory, one of Whittington's 
successors in the mayoralty : — 

" And that nobyl marchaunt Rycharde Whytyngdon, made a 
new chamby[r] with viij beddys for yong weme[n] that hadde 
done a-mysse in truste of a good mendement. And he com- 

^ T. Brewer, Carpenter s Life, p. 26, 



PLATE IX 













THE DEATH OF RICHARD WHITTINGTON 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 83 

maundyd that alle the thyngys that ben don in that chambyr 
shulde be kepte secrete with owte forthe, yn payne of lesynge 
of hyr leuynge ; for he wolde not shame no yonge women 
in noo wyse, for hyt myght be cause of hyr lettyng of hyr 
maryag'e." 

" Verily," we exclaim with Lysons, " there seems to be no 
end to the good deeds of this good man." 

Nor were other places without their public-spirited 
townsmen. Unlike " Dick " Whittington who died child- 
less, Thomas Ellis left twenty-three sons and daughters : 
nevertheless this large-hearted draper provided an alms- 
house for his poorer neighbours in Sandwich. 

The wealth of William Browne of Stamford and of Roger 
Thornton of Newcastle-upon-Tyne was proverbial when 
Leland visited those industrial centres and saw the chari- 
ties which they had established. Browne, founder of the 
bede-house (Fig. 5), "was a Marchant of a very wonder- 
ful Richeness." Thornton, a very poor man, reported to 
have been a pedlar, who rose to be nine times mayor, was 
remembered as "the richest Marchaunt that ever was 
dwelling in Newcastelle." While in this way many that 
were rich made offerings of their abundance, there were 
those, too, who gave of their penury. Such was "Adam 
Rypp, of Whittlsey, a poor man, who began to build a 
Poor's Hospital there, but had not sufficient means to 
finish it." His work was commended to the faithful by 
briefs from Bishop Fordham of Ely (1391-4). 

TOMBS OF FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 

Many benefactors associated themselves so closely with 
their bedemen that they desired to be buried within the 
precincts of the hospital. Robert de Meulan, one of the 



84 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Conqueror's lords, is said to have founded and endowed 
Brackley hospital, where his heart was embalmed. His 
descendant, Roger, Earl of Winchester, a considerable 
benefactor in the time of Henry IH, " ordered a measure 





12. JOHN BARSTAPLE 
(Burgess of Bristol) 

to be made for corn in the shape of a coffin, and gave 
directions that it should be placed on the right side of the 
shrine, in which the heart of Margaret his mother lay 
intombed," providing that it should be filled thrice in a 
year for ever for the use of the hospital. ^ The chapel 

^ Bridges' History, I, 146, 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 85 

continued to be a favourite place of interment, for Leland 
says: — "There ly buryed in Tumbes dyvers Noble Men 
and Women." Bishop Suffield directed that if he should 
die away from Norwich — as he afterwards did — his heart 
should be placed near the altar in the church of St. Giles' 
hospital. The blind and aged Henry of Lancaster and 
Leicester was buried in his hospital church, the royal 
family and a great company being present (1345) ; and 
there likewise his son was laid. Few founders' tombs 
remain undisturbed in a spot still hallowed by divine 
worship, but some have happily escaped destruction. 
Rahere has an honoured place at St. Bartholomew's. The 
mailed effigy of Sir Henry de Sandwich— lord warden of 
the Cinque Ports — remains in the humbler St. Bartholo- 
mew's near Sandwich. The fine alabaster monument of 
Alice, Duchess of Suffolk, is in perfect preservation at 
Ewelme. The rebuilt chapel of Trinity Hospital, 
Bristol, retains a monumental brass of the founder (Fig. 
12) and his wife. 

AIMS AND MOTIVES OF BENEFACTORS 

It is sometimes asserted that the almsgiving of the 
Middle Ages was done from a selfish motive, namely, 
that spiritual benefits might be reaped by the donor. 
Indeed it is possible that the giver then, like some 
religious people in every age, was apt to be more 
absorbed in the salvation of self than in the service 
of others ; but the testimony of deeds and charters 
is that the threefold aim of such a man was to fulfil 
at once his duty towards God, his neighbour, and him- 
self. That he was often imbued with a true ministering 
spirit is shown by his personal care for the comfort of 



86 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

inmates. Doubtless the hidden springs of charity were as 
diverse as they are now : not every name on a modern 
subscription list represents one that " considereth the 
poor." No one could imagine, for instance, that Queen 
Maud and King John had a common motive in their 
charity to lepers ; or that the bishops Wulstan and Peter 
des Roches were animated by the same impulse when 
they provided for the wants of wayfarers. 

The alleged motives of some benefactors are revealed in 
documents. Henry de Blois, Bishop of Winchester, 
refers to St. Cross — "which I for the health of my soul 
and the souls of my predecessors and of the kings of Eng- 
land have founded . . . that the poor in Christ may there 
humbly and devotedly serve God." Herbert, Bishop of 
Salisbury, in making a grant to clothe the lepers of a 
hospital in Normandy, says that: — "Among all Christ's 
poor whom a bishop is bound to protect and support, 
those should be specially cared for whom it has pleased God 
to deprive of bodily power," and these poor inmates " in 
the sorrow of fleshly affliction offer thanks to the Lord for 
their benefactors with a joyous mind." Matthew Paris 
writes of Henry HI that "he being touched with the Holy 
Ghost and moved with a regard to pity, ordained a certain 
famous hospital at Oxon." 

In the case of Rahere, the foundation of St. Bartholo- 
mew's was an act of gratitude for deliverance from death, 
and the practical outcome of a vision and a sick-bed vow. 
While Rahere tarried at Rome, 

" he began to be uexed with greuous sykenesse, and his doloures, 
litill and litill, takynge ther encrese, he drew to the extremyte of 
lyf. . . . Albrake owte in terys, than he auowyd yf helthe God 
hym wolde grawnte, that he myght lefully returne to his contray, 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 87 

he wolde make and hospitale yn recreacion of poure men, and 
to them so there i gaderid, necessaries mynystir, after his 
power." 

Now and again a benefactor evinces deep religious feel- 
ings, as shown in the charter of Bishop Glanvill at the 
foundation of St. Mary's, Strood : — 

' ' Bearing in mind the saying of the Lord : ' I was an hungred, 
and ye gave Me meat ; I was thirsty, and ye gave Me drink ; I 
was a stranger, and ye took Me in ; ' . . . And seeing that the 
Lord takes upon Himself the needs of those who suffer . . . 
we have founded a hospital in which to receive and cherish the 
poor, weak and infirm." 

Another founder showed the zeal of Apostolic days ; a 
layman of Stamford, Brand by name, made an offering 
to God and held nothing back. This we learn from a 
papal document {circa 11 74) : — 

" Alexander the bishop to his beloved son Brand de Fossato, 
greeting . . . we having been given to understand . . . that 
you, guided by divine inspiration, having sold all you did 
possess, have erected a certain hospital and chappel . . . 
where you have chose to exhibit a perpetual offering to your 
creator." ^ 

The meritorious aspect of almsgiving was sometimes 
uppermost. Hugh Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, in found- 
ing his hospital at Ledbury, sets forth the importance 
and advantage of exercising hospitality. He illustrates 
the point by the case of the patriarchs, who were signally 
rewarded for their hospitality : — 

' ' Bearing in mind therefore that . . . almost nothing is to be pre- 
ferred to hospitality, and that so great is its value that Lot and 

^ F. Ve.ck.'s Aimals of Stanford, v. 15. 



88 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Abraham who practised It were counted worthy to receive 
angels for guests ... we have built a certain hospital for 
strangers and poor people." 

The Church continued to teach the imperative duty of 
almsgiving. It is stated in the will of Henry VII that in 
the one act of establishing a hospital the Seven Works of 
Mercy might be fulfilled : — 

" And forasmuch as we inwardly consldeir, that the vij. workes 
of Charite and Mercy bee moost profitable, due and necessarie 
for the saluation of man's soule, and that the same vij. works 
stand moost commonly in vj. of theim ; that is to saye in 
uiseting the sik, mynistring mete and drinke and clothing to 
the nedy, logging of the miserable pouer, and burying of the 
dede bodies of cristen people. . . . We therefor of our great 
pitie and compassion . . . have begoune to erecte, buylde and 
establisshe a commune Hospital in our place called the Sauoie 
... to the laude of God, the weale of our soule, and the 
refresshing of the said pouer people, in daily, nightly and 
hourely exploytyng the said vj. works of Mercy, Pitie, and 
Charity." 

To the hospital which he had provided, the founder 
looked not only for spiritual and temporal profit in this 
life, but above all for help to his soul in the world to come. 
The desire for the prayers of generations yet unborn was 
a strong incentive to charity. The bede-houses testify to 
a purposeful belief in the availing power of intercession. 
Thus the patrons of Ewelme speak in the statutes of 
" prayoure, in the whiche we have grete trust and hope 
to oure grete relefe and increce of oure merite and joy 
fynally." The same faith is expressed by the action of 
the merchants and mariners of Bristol in 1445. Because 

"the crafte off maryners is so auenturous that dayly beyng in 
ther uiages ben sore vexed, trobled and deseased and dis- 



FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS 



89 



tried, the which by gode menys of the prayers and gode werkes 
might be graciously comforted and better releced of such 
trebles," 

they wished to found a fraternity to support, within the 
old hospital of St. Bartholomew (Fig. 13), a priest and 




13. ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S HOSPITAL, BRISTOL 
(Called in 1387 the Doinus Dei hy Frame Bridge') 

twelve poor seamen who should pray for those labouring 
on the sea, or passing to and fro into their port. 

An earnest desire to make the world better is shown in 
one foundation deed, dating probably from the middle of 
the fourteenth century. It concerns Holy Trinity, Salis- 
bury, erected by Agnes Bottenham on a spot where a 



go MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

house of evil repute had existed "to the great perils of 
souls " : — 

"The founders, by means of the inspiration of the Holy 
Spirit, have ordained thirty beds to the sustentation of the poor 
and infirm daily resorting thither, and the seven works of 
charity are there fulfilled. The hungry are fed, the thirsty 
have drink, the naked are clothed, the sick are comforted, the 
dead are buried, the mad are kept safe until they are restored 
to reason, orphans and widows are nourished, lying-in women 
are cared for until they are delivered, recovered and churched." 

The aim of pious benefactors was indeed the abiding 
welfare of their bedemen. The hard-headed, warm- 
hearted business men of Croydon and Stamford, no less 
than the ladies of Heytesbury and Ewelme, expressed a 
hope that the Domus Dei on earth might be a preparation 
for the eternal House of God. In the words of the patrons 
of Ewelme, they desired the poor men so to live : — 

"that aftyr the state of this dedely [mortal] lyf they mowe 
come and inhabit the howse of the kyngdome of heven, the 
which with oure Lordes mouth is promysed to all men the 
which bene pore in spirit. So be yt." 



CHAPTER VII 
HOSPITAL INMATES 

" To the master and brethren of the hospital of St. Nicholas, Scarborough. — 
Request to admit John de Burgh, chaplain, and grant him maintenance 
for life, as John has heeji suddenly attacked by the disease of leprosy, and 
has not wherewith to live and is unable through shame to beg among 
Christians." (Close Roll, 1342.) 

THOUGH a visit to a modern infirmary calls forth in 
us, doubtless, passing thoughts of admiration for 
the buildings and the arrangements, what draws 
most of us thither is the bond of brotherhood. It is the 
inmates of the wards who are to us the centre of attrac- 
tion. Looking upon the sufferers, we desire to know 
their circumstances, their complaints, their chance of 
cure. Nor is it otherwise in studying the history of 
ancient institutions. The mere site of an old hospital 
may become a place of real interest when we know some- 
thing of those who once dwelt there, when we see the 
wayworn pilgrim knocking at the gate, the infirm man 
bent with age, the paralysed bedridden woman, and the 
stricken leper in his sombre gown, and realize what 
our forefathers strove to do in the service of others. 

In many cases the link between the first founder and 
first inmate was very close, being the outcome of personal 
relations between master and servant, feudal lord and 
tenant. It was so in the case of Orm, the earliest hos- 
pital inmate whose name has been handed down to us. 

91 



92 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

This Yorkshireman, who lived near Whitby eight hun- 
dred years ago, "was a good man and a just, but he was 
a leper." The abbot, therefore, having pity on him, 
founded a little asylum, in which Orm spent the rest of 
his days, receiving from the abbey his portion of food and 
drink. In the same way Hugh Kevelioc, Earl of Chester, 
built a retreat outside Coventry for William de Anney, a 
knight of his household, which was the origin of Spon 
hospital for the maintenance of such lepers as should 
happen to be in the town. 

(i) PERSONS MIRACULOUSLY CURED 

In dealing with medieval miracles it may not un- 
naturally be objected that we are wandering from the 
paths of history into the fields of fiction ; but it is abso- 
lutely necessary to allude to them at some length because 
they played so important a part in the romantic tales of 
pilgrim-patients. We shall see that sufferers were con- 
stantly being carried about in search of cure, and in some 
cases were undoubtedly restored to health. This was an 
age of faith and therefore of infinite possibilities. It would 
appear that "marvels" were worked not only on certain 
nervous ailments, but on some deep-seated diseases. It 
is a recognized fact that illness caused by emotion (as of 
grief) has oftentimes been cured by emotion (as of hope). 
Possibly, too, not a few of the persons restored to health 
were suffering from hysteria and nervous affections, 
which complaints might be cured by change of scene and 
excitement. In the Book of the Foundation is the story of 
a well-known man of Norwich who would not take care 
of his health, and therefore " hadde lost the rest of slepe," 
which alone keeps the nature sound and whole. His in- 



HOSPITAL INMATES 



somnia became chronic, and by the seventh year of his 
misfortune he became very feeble, and so thin that his 
bones could be numbered. At length he betook himself 
to the relics of St. Bartholomew; there, grovelling on the 
ground, he multiplied his prayers and began to sleep — 
"and whan he hadde slepte a grete while he roys up 
hole." 

On the other hand the conviction is forced upon us that 
many, perhaps most, of the so-called miracles were not 
genuine. Some diseases might have been feigned by 
astute beggars. Although experienced doctors and 
skilled nurses to-day are quick to detect cases, cleverly 
simulating paralysis, epilepsy, etc., the staff in a medi- 
aeval hospital would probably not discover the deception. 
When one such person became the hero of a dramatic 
scene of healing, the officials would joyfully acknowledge 
his cure, without intention of 
fraud. The narratives come 
down to us through monk- 
chroniclers, whose zeal for 
their home-shrines made them 
lend a quick ear to that which 
contributed to their fame. In 
those days people were un- 
critical and were satisfied with- 
out minute investigation. 

There is, indeed, little in- 
formation about early hospital 
inmates unless they were for- 
tunate enough to receive what 
was universally believed in 

, , , . , 14, ST. BARTHOLOMEW 

those days to be miraculous (Tweifth-cemury seal) 




94 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

healing. Startling incidents are related by contem- 
porary writers, whose vivid and picturesque narratives 
suggest that they had met witnesses of the cures related. 
The twelfth-century chronicler of St. Bartholomew's, 
Smithfield, gives us eyes to see some of the patients of 
that famous hospital. 

(i) Patients of St. Bartholomew's. — The cripple Wolmer, 
a well-known beggar who lay daily in St. Paul's, was a 
most distressing case. He was so deformed as to be 
obliged to drag himself along on all fours, supporting 
his hands on little wooden stools. (Cf. PI. XX.) His story 
is extracted from Dr. Norman Moore's valuable edition 
of the faithful English version of the Liber Fimdacionis , 
dating about the year 1400. 

" There was an sykeman Wolmer be name with greuous and 
longe langoure depressid, and wrecchid to almen that hym 
behylde apperyd, his feit destitute of naturall myght hyng 
down, hys legges cleuyd to his thyis, part of his fyngerys 
returnyd to the hande, restynge alwey uppon two lytyll stolys, 
the quantite of his body, to hym onerous, he drew aftir 
hym. ..." 

For thirty winters Wolmer remained in this sad condi- 
tion, until at length he was borne by his friends in a 
basket to the newly-founded hospital of St. Bartholomew, 
where his cure was wrought by a miracle as he lay ex- 
tended before the altar in the church : — 

"... and by and by euery crokidness of his body a litill & 
litill losid, he strecchid un to grownde his membris & so 
anoon auawntynge hym self up warde, all his membris yn 
naturale ordir was disposid. ..." 

The scene of this incident was, presumably, that noble 
building which we still see (Fig. 11), and which was then 



HOSPITAL INMATES 95 

fresh from the hand of the Norman architect and 
masons. 

Aldwyn, a carpenter from Dunwich, once occupied a 
place in St. Bartholomew's. His limbs were as twisted 
and useless as those of Wolmer ; his sinews being con- 
tracted, he could use neither hand nor foot. Brought by 
sea to London, the cripple was "put yn the hospitall of 
pore men," where awhile he was sustained. Bit by bit he 
regained power in his hands, and when discharged was 
able to exercise his craft once more. 

Again the veil of centuries is lifted and we see the 
founder himself personally interested in the patients. A 
woman was brought into the hospital whose tongue was 
so terribly swollen that she could not close her mouth. 
Rahere offered to God and to his patron prayer on her 
behalf and then applied his remedy : — 

" And he reuolvynge his relikys that he hadde of the Crosse, 
he depid them yn water & wysshe the tonge of the pacient 
ther with, & with the tree of lyif, that ys with the same signe 
of the crosse, paynted the tokyn of the crosse upon the same 
tonge. And yn the same howre all the swellynge wente his 
way, & the woman gladde & hole went home to here 
owne. " 

Perhaps the most startling cure was that of a maid deaf, 
dumb, blind of both eyes and crippled. Brought by her 
parents to the festival of St. Bartholomew in the year 
1 173, she was delivered from every bond of sickness. 
Anon she went " joyfuU skippyng forth "; her eyes clear, 
her hearing repaired, "she ran to the table of the holy 
awter, spredyng owte bothe handys to heuyn and so she 
that a litill beforne was dum joyng in laude of God per- 



96 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

fitly sowndyd her wordes "; then weeping for joy she 
went to her parents affirming herself free from all in- 
firmity. 

In the foregoing narratives it will be noticed that 
hospital and shrine were adjacent. This convenient 
combination not being found elsewhere, incurable patients 
were carried to pilgrimage-places. Two of the chief 
wonder-workers were St. Godric of Finchale and St. 
Thomas of Canterbury, who both died in 1170. Reginald 
of Durham narrates the cure by their instrumentality of 
three inmates from northern hospitals. ^ 

(2) The Paralytic Girl and the Crippled Youth. — A young 
woman who had lost the use of one side by paralysis, was 
brought from the hospital of Sedgefield (near Durham) to 
Finchale, where the same night she recovered health. 
The poor cripple of York was not cured so rapidly. 
Utterly powerless, his arms and feet twisted after the 
manner of knotted ropes, this most wretched youth had 
spent years in St. Peter's hospital. At length he betook 
himself as best he could to Canterbury, where he received 
from St. Thomas health on one side of his body. It 
grieved him that he was not worthy to be completely 
cured, but learning from many witnesses the fame of St. 
Godric, he hastened to his sepulchre ; falling down there, 
he lay in weakness for some time, then, rising up, found 
the other side of his body absolutely recovered. The 
lad returned home whole and upright, and this notable 
miracle was attested by many who knew him, and by the 
procurator of the hospital. 

(3) A Leper Maiden. — The touching tale of a girl who 
was eventually released from the lazar-house near Darling- 

^ Surtees Soc, Vol. 20, pp. 376, 432-3, 456-7. 



HOSPITAL INMATES 97 

ton (Bathelspitel) is also related by Reginald, and tran- 
scribed by Longstaffe. 

'.'There is a vill in the bishopric called Hailtune [Haughton- 
le-Skerne] in which dwelt a widow and her only daughter who 
was grievously tormented with a most loathsome leprosy. The 
mother remarried a man who soon began to view the poor girl 
with the greatest horror, and to torment and execrate her. . . . 
She fled for aid to the priest of the vill, who, moved with com- 
passion, procured by his entreaties the admission of the damsel 
to the hospital of Dernigntune [Darlington], which was almost 
three miles distant, and was called Badele." 

There the maiden remained three years, growing daily 
worse. After describing her horrible symptoms and 
wasted frame, the chronicler narrates her marvellous cure 
at Finchale. Thrice did the devoted mother take her 
thither until the clemency of St. Godric was outpoured 
and " he settled and removed the noxious humours." 
When at length the girl threw back the close hood, her 
mother beheld her perfectly sound. The scene of this 
pitiful arrival and glad departure was that beautiful spot 
at the bend of the river Weir, now marked by picturesque 
ruins. The complete recovery was attested by all, includ- 
ing the sheriff and the kind priest, Normanrus. We reluc- 
tantly lose sight of the delivered damsel, wondering 
whether the cruel step-father received her less roughly 
when she got home. It is simply recorded that never did 
the disease return, and that she lived long to extol the 
power given by God to His servant Godric. 

(4) A Taunton Monk. — Seldom do we know the after- 
life of such patients, but a touching picture shows us one 
cleansed of his leprosy, serving his former fellow-inmates. 
This was John King, a monk of Taunton Priory. Prior 
7 



98 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Stephen tells how he was smitten with terrible and manifest 
leprosy, on which account he was transferred to a certain 
house of poor people, where he stayed for more than 
a year among the brethren. The prior's letter, after 
declaring how the fame of St. Thomas was growing 
throughout the world, refers to divers miracles, by one 
of which John was completely cured. Returning from 
Canterbury, he was authorized to gather alms for his 
former companions : — 

" We . . . earnestly implore your loving good will for the 
love of God and St. Thomas, that you listen to the dutiful 
prayer of our brother John, wonderfully restored to health by 
God, if you have power to grant it. For he earnestly begs you 
to help by your labour and your alms the poverty of those sick 
men whose company he enjoyed so long." ^ 

Two similar instances of service are recorded. Nicho- 
las, a cripple child cured at St. Bartholomew's, was sent 
for a while to serve in the kitchen, — "for the yifte of his 
helth, he yave the seruyce of his body." In the same 
way a blind man who had been miraculously cured by the 
merit of St. Wulstan (1221), afterwards took upon himself 
the habit of a professed brother in the hospital of that 
saint in Worcester. He had been a pugilist and had 
lost his sight in a duel, but having become a peaceable 
brother of mercy, he lived there honourably for a long 
while.2 

(ii) CROWN PENSIONERS 

Leaving the chronicles, and turning to state records, 
we find that the sick, impotent and leprous were recipients 
of royal favour. An early grant of maintenance was 

^ Chron. and Mem., 67, i. 428-9. 
'' Chron. and Mem., 36, iv. p. 413. 



HOSPITAL INMATES 99 

made in 1235 to Helen, a blind woman of Faversham 
whom Henry III caused to be received as a sister at 
Ospringe hospital. Similar grants were made from time 
to time to faithful retainers, veteran soldiers or converted 
Jews (who were the king's wards). 

Old Servants, Soldiers, etc. — The most interesting pen- 
sioners were veterans who had served in Scotland and 
France. The year of the battle of Bannockburn (1314), a 
man was sent to Brackley whose hand had been in- 
humanly cut off by Scotch rebels.^ There are several 
instances of persons maimed in the wars who were sent 
for maintenance to various hospitals. One of the 
many grants of Richard II was made — "out of regard 
for Good Friday " — to an aged servant, that he should be 
one of the king's thirteen poor bedemen of St. Giles', 
Wilton. Another of Richard IPs retainers, a yeoman, 
was generously offered maintenance at Puckeshall by 
Henry IV.^ 

Jewish Converts. — The House of Converts was akin to 
a modern industrial home for destitute Jewish Christians, 
inmates being kept busily employed in school and work- 
shop. During the century following the foundation of 
these "hospitals," many converts are named. Eve, for 
instance, was received at Oxford, and Christiana in Lon- 
don. Usually admitted after baptism, they were enrolled 
under their new names. Philip had been baptized upon 
St. Philip and St. James' Day, and Robert Grosseteste 
was possibly godson of the bishop. Converts were 
brought from all parts. We find John and William 
of Lincoln, Isabel of Bristol and her boy, Isabel of Cam- 

1 Close 8 Edw. II, m. 35 li. 

^ Pat. 8 Ric. II, pt. ii. m. 22 ; 9 Hen. IV, pt. ii. m. 14. 



loo MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

bridge, Emma of Ipswich, etc.^ A century later pen- 
sioners must have been immigrants, since all Jews resi- 
dent in England had been expelled in 1290. A Flemish 
Jew, baptized at Antwerp in the presence of Edward III, 
was granted permission to dwell in the London institution 
with a life-pension of id. a day : — 

" Inasmuch as our beloved Edward of Brussels has recently 
abandoned the superstitious errors of Judaism . . . and 
because we rejoice in Christ over his conversion, and lest he 
should recede from the path of truth upon which he has entered, 
because of poverty . . . we have granted to him a suitable 
home in our House of Converts." 

Theobald de Turkic, "a convert to the Catholic Faith," 
was afterwards received, together with pensioners from 
Spain, Portugal, France, and Italy. A chamber was 
granted to Agnes, an orphan Jewess of tender age and 
destitute of friends, the child of a convert-godson of 
Edward II. A later inmate, of whose circumstances we 
would fain know more, was Elizabeth, daughter of Rabbi 
Moyses, called "bishop of the Jews" (1399). Converts 
frequently had royal sponsors. Henry V stood godfather 
to Henry Stratford, who lived in the Domus Conversorum 
from 1416-1441. There was a certain risk in being called 
after the sovereign, nor was it unknown for the king's 
converts to change their names. As late as 1532 Katha- 
rine of Aragon and Princess Mary stood sponsor to two 
Jewesses. 

(iii) INMATES OF SOME LAZAR-HOUSES 

(i) Lincoln Invalids. — Near Lincoln is a spot still 
pointed out as the "Lepers' Field." Formerly it was 
known as the Mallardry or as Holy Innocents' hospital. 

^ Close ^oVis passim. 



HOSPITAL INMATES loi 

Had one visited this place in the days of Edward I, ten of 
the king's servants — lepers or decrepit persons — would 
have been found there, together with two chaplains and 
certain brethren and sisters. Thomas, a maimed clerk, 
was one of the staff, but after thirty years he incurred the 
jealousy of his companions, who endeavoured to ruin his 
character while he was absent on business. Brother 
Thomas appealed to the king, and justice was adminis- 
tered (1278). Some time afterwards the household became 
so quarrelsome that the king issued a writ, and a visita- 
tion was held in 1291 to set matters straight. In 1290 
William le Forester was admitted to the lepers' quarters, 
his open-air life not having saved him from disease. 
Dionysia, a widow, took up her abode as a sister the 
same year, and remained until her death, when another 
leper was assigned her place. An old servant of the 
house past work was admitted as pensioner, and also a 
blind and aged retainer whose faithfulness had reduced 
him to poverty, he having served in Scotland and having 
moreover lost all his horses, waggons and goods in the 
Welsh rebellion. But strangest of all the residents in 
the hospital of Holy Innocents was the condemned 
criminal Margaret Everard. She was not a leper, but 
had once been numbered among the dead. Mistress 
Everard, of Burgh-by-Waynflete, was a widow, convicted 
of "harbouring a thief, namely, Robert her son, and 
hanged on the gallows without the south gate of Lin- 
coln." Now the law did not provide interment for its 
victims, but it seems that the Knights Hospitallers of 
Maltby paid a yearly sum to the lepers for undertaking 
this work of mercy at Canwick.^ On this memorable 

• P.R.O. Chanc. Misc. Bundle 20, No. 10. 



I02 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

occasion, however, the body being cut down and already 
removed near the place of burial — the lepers' churchyard 
— the woman "was seen to draw a breath and revive." 
We learn from a Patent Roll entry (1284) that pardon 
was afterwards granted to Margaret "because her re- 
covery is ascribed to a miracle, and she has lived two 
years and more in the said hospital." 

(2) The Lancastrian falconer and Yorkist yeoman. — A 
certain Arnald Knyght, who had been falconer to Henry 
IV, Henry V, and Henry VI, caused a habitation to be 
built for himself on the site of the hospital by the White- 
ditch, near Rochester, in order that there he might spend 
his days in divine service. In consideration of his age and 
of his infirmity of leprosy, Henry VI granted to Arnald 
and Geraldine his wife not only the building recently 
erected, but the lands and rents of St. Nicholas' hospital. 
Edward IV afterwards granted a parcel of land between 
Highgate and Holloway to a certain leper-yeoman "to 
the intent that he may build a hospital for the relief of 
divers persons smitten with this sickness and destitute." 
This man — half-founder, half-inmate — soon succumbed, 
for a record four years later states that ' ' the new lazar- 
house at Highgate which the king lately caused to be 
made for William Pole . . . now deceased " was granted 
for life to another leper, Robert Wylson, a saddler, 
who had served well "in divers fields and else- 
where."^ 

(3) The Mayor of Exeter. — Shortly before 1458, St. 
Mary Magdalene's, Exeter, had a prominent inmate in 
the sometime mayor, Richard Orenge. In 1438 Richard 

' Pat. 21 Hen. VI, pt. i. m. 35, pt. ii. m. 16; 12 Edw. IV, pt. ii. m. 6; 
17 Edw. IV, pt. i. m. i. 



HOSPITAL INMATES 



lO'! 



William, alias Richard Orenge, is mentioned as a tailor ; 
he is also described as being a man of French extraction 
and of noble family. Once he had been official patron 
of the asylum, but when the blow fell, he threw in his 
lot with those to whom he had formerly been bountiful. 
There, Izacke says, he finished his days and was buried 
in the chapel. 

(4) Two Norfolk lepers. — We learn incidentally through 
a lawsuit that about the year 1475 the vicar of Foulsham, 
Thomas Wood, was in seclu- 
sion in a London lazar-house : — 
"and nowe it is said God hatha 
visited the seid parsone with 
the sekenes of lepre and is in 
the Spitell howse of knygtyes 
brygge beside Westminster."^ 
Why the priest came up from 
the country to Knightsbridge 
does not appear ; it would 
seem, however, that the Nor- 
folk manor was temporarily in 
the king's hands, so that pos- 
sibly the crown bailiff procured 
his removal. One of the latest 
leper-inmates whose name is 
recorded ended his days at 

Walsingham. The patron of the Spital-house left it in 
1491 to John Ederyche, a leper of Norwich, and Cecily 
his wife, stipulating that after their decease, one or two 
lepers — "men of good conversation and honest disposi- 
tion " — should be maintained there. 

' P. R.O., Early Chancery Proceedings, Bundle 60, No, 93. 




SEAL OF KNIGHTSBRIDGE 
HOSPITAL 



I04 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

(iv) SOLITARY OUTCASTS 

It must not be supposed that there were no lepers save 
those living in community. To use the old phrase, there 
was the man who dwelt in a several house and he who 
was forced to join the congregation without the camp. 
To lepers "whether recluses or living together" the 
Bishop of Norwich bequeathed five pounds (1256). 
Hermit-lazar and hospital-lazar alike fulfilled the legal 
requirement of separation. It may be noticed that the 
service at seclusion implies that the outcast may dwell 
alone. In early records, before the king habitually im- 
posed "corrodies" on charitable institutions, pensioners 
are named who were not inhabiting lazar-houses. Philip 
the clerk was assigned a tenement in Portsmouth, which 
was afterwards granted to God's House on condition that 
Philip was maintained for life, or that provision was 
made for him to go to the Holy Land (1236). Long 
afterwards, in 1394, Richard II pensioned a groom of the 
scullery from the Exchequer, but provided for one of his 
esquires in a hospital.' 

In hermitage and hospital alike service was rendered to 
the leper in his loneliness. The little cell and chapel at 
Roche in Cornwall is said to have been a place of seclu- 
sion for one "diseased with a grievous leprosy." Since 
no leper might draw from a spring, his daughter 
Gundred fetched him water from the well and daily 
ministered to his wants. 

Mediseval poems tell of solitary or wandering lepers as 
well as of those residing in communities. In the romance 
Amis and Amiloun, the gentle knight is stricken with 

^ Pat. 20 Hen. Ill, m. 13; 17 Ric. II, pt. ii. m. 14. 



HOSPITAL INMATES 105 

leprosy. His lady fair and bright expels him from his 
own chamber. He eats at the far end of the high table 
until the lady refuses to feed a mesel at her board—" he is 
so foule a thing." His presence becoming intolerable, a 
little lodge is built half a mile from the gate. The child 
Owen alone is found to serve Sir Amiloun, fetching food 
for his master until he is denied succour and driven away. 
Knight and page betake themselves to a shelter near a 
neighbouring market-town, and depend for a time upon 
the alms of passers-by. The next stage is that of wander- 
ing beggars.^ 

In the Testament of Cresseid the leper-heroine begged 
to go in secret wise to the hospital, where, being of noble 
kin, they took her in with the better will. She was con- 
veyed thither by her father, who daily sent her part of his 
alms. But Cresseid could not be resigned to her affliction, 
and in a dark corner of the house alone, weeping, she 
made her moan. A leper-lady, an old inmate, tries in 
vain to reconcile her to her fate — it is useless to spurn 
herself against the wall, and tears do but double her woe 
— but in vain : — 

" Thus chiding with her drerie destenye, 
Weiping scho woik the nicht fra end to end." 

This " Complaynt of Cresseid" is affecting in its descrip- 
tion of the lamentable lot of a woman whose high estate is 
turned into dour darkness : for her bower a leper-lodge ; for 
her bed a bunch of straw; for wine and meat mouldy bread 
and sour cider. Her beautiful face is deformed, and her 
carolling voice, hideous as a rook's. Under these sad con- 
ditions, Cresseid dwells for the rest of her life in the spital.^ 

^ H. M. Weber, Metrical Ro7nances^ II, 269. 

* R. Henryson, Testament of Cresseid (Bannatyne Club). 



CHAPTER VIII 
HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 

^^ He" \Lanfranc\ ^^ built a fair and large house of stone ^ and added to it 
several habitations for the various needs and convenience of the tnen^ 
together -with an ample plot of ground." (Eadmer's History.) 

THE Canterbury monk mentions the foundation of 
Archbishop Lanfranc's two hospitals. The lepers' 
dwellings on the hill-side at Harbledown were merely 
wooden houses. The architecture of St. John's was more 
striking: lapideani domum decentem et amplam constriixit. 
The edifice {palatium) was divided in two parts, to accom- 
modate men and women. As Eadmer was living until 
1 124, he saw the hospital shortly after its erection. He 
may even have watched the Norman masons complete it, 
and the first infirm occupants take up their abode. 

Before considering the plan of hospital buildings, it 
will be of interest to learn how they impressed men of 
those days. The twelfth-century writer of the Book of 
the Foundation betrays his unfeigned admiration of 
St. Bartholomew's. The hospital house was at a little 
distance from the church, which was "made of cumly 
stoonewerke tabylwyse." The traditional commencement 
of the work was that Rahere playfully acted the fool, and 
thus drew to himself a good-natured company of children 
and servants : "with ther use and helpe stonys and othir 
thynges profitable to the bylynge, lightly he gaderyd to 

106 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 



107 



gedyr," until at length "he reysid uppe a grete frame." 
When all was finished and he had set up the sign of the 
cross "who shulde not be astonyd, ther to se, constructe 
and bylyd thonorable byldynge of pite." 

Matthew Paris gives sketches and brief descriptions 
of three hospitals in his Chronica Major.^ St. Giles', 
near London— "the memorial of Matilda the Queen" — 
seems to consist of hall and chapel with an eastern tower 




16. HOSPITAL OF ST. JOHN, EXETER 17. HOSPITAL OF ST. ALEXIS, EXETER 

and another small tower at the south-west (Fig. lo) ; of 
\.\y& Domus Conversorum, London, he says, " Henry built 
a decent church, fit for a conventual congregation, with 
other buildings adjoining " (Fig. 3) ; St. John's, Oxford, 
he calls quoddam nobile hospitale. (Fig. i.) The chronicler 
died in 1259, and these sketches were probably made 
about ten years previously, when the two latter houses 
were newly built. 

Two thirteenth-century seals depict hospitals at Exeter. 
Mr. Birch describes that of St. John's as "a church-like 

' Chron. and Mem., 57, iii. 262-3. 



io8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

building of rectangular ground-plan, with an arcade of 
three round-headed arches along the nave, roof of orna- 
mental shingles, and crosses at the gable-ends." The 
artist contrives to show not only one side, but one end, 
apparently the west front, with entrance. (Fig. i6.) The 
other seal is that of the neighbouring hospital of St. 
Alexis " behind St. Nicholas." (Fig. 17.) The beautiful 
seal of St. John's, Stafford (reproduced by the kindness 
of the Society of Antiquaries) shows architectural features 




18. ST. JOHN'S, STAFFORD 

of the transition period between the Early English and 
Decorated styles. The windows are triple-lancets with 
a delicately-pierced trefoil above ; and an arcade runs 
round the base. (Fig. 18.) 

Casual references to building in progress occur in 
records, but they give little information. As early as 
1161-3 Pipe Rolls mention works going on at the houses 
of the infirm at Oxford ; there is one entry of over ;^8 
spent on repairs. In 1232 timber was being sent to 
Crowmarsh to make shingles for the roof of the hospital 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 109 

church. Land was granted to St. Bartholomew's, 
Gloucester, for the widening of their chancel (1265) ; it is 
of interest to compare this fact with the elegant Early 
English work shown in Lysons' view. (PI. VI.) There 
occurs on another roll a licence to lengthen the portico 
of the Maison Dieu, Dover (1278). 

The arrangement of most of these buildings is un- 
known, for frequently not a vestige remains. In many 
cases they grew up with little definite plan. A private 
dwelling was adapted, further accommodation being added 
as funds permitted. The domestic buildings were usually 
of wood and thatched, which accounts for the numerous 
allusions to fire. Even St. John's, Canterbury, which 
was chiefly of stone, was burnt in the fourteenth century, 
but some traces of Norman work remain. (PI. III.) 

In time of war, houses near the Border or on the South 
Coast suffered. The buildings of God's House, Berwick- 
on-Tweed, were cast down by engines during a siege. The 
master and inmates implored aid in their sore extremity, 
declaring that in spite of all efforts to repair the buildings, 
the work was unfinished, and that they could not endure 
the winter without being utterly perished.^ The same year 
(1333) the destroyed hospital at Capelford-by-Norham was 
being rebuilt. St. Nicholas', Carlisle, was levelled to the 
ground more than once, and Sherburn was partly de- 
molished at the time of the Battle of Neville's Cross. 
The same story of attack and fire comes from houses at 
Southampton and Portsmouth. 

Before proceeding to any classification of buildings, 
some of the component parts may be mentioned. The 
precincts were often entered by a gateway beneath a 

^ Cal. of Documents relating to Scotland, III, p. 199. 



no MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

tower. (PI. VIII, XVI.) Sometimes, as at Northallerton, 
there was a hospice near the gate, especially intended for 
wayfarers who were too feeble to proceed ; and an 
almonry, as at St. Cross, for the distribution of out-relief. 
The mode of life in different hospitals affected their 
architectural arrangement. The warden and professed 
members of the staff were expected to live in community. 
The master of St. John's, Ely, was charged not to have 
delicate food in his own chamber, but to dine in the 
refectory. In most houses the rule was relaxed, and the 
warden came to have private apartments, and finally, a 
separate dwelling. (PI. XVI, XXI.) In large institutions, 
the dining-hall was a fine building. The "Brethren Hall" 
at St. Cross (about 36 x 20 feet) consists of four bays, 
and has a handsome chestnut ceiling. (PI. X.) The 
beautiful refectory at St. Wulstan's, Worcester (48 feet x 
25 feet 8 inches), adjoins another long, narrow hall ; these 
buildings present interesting features — such as the screen, 
a coved canopy over the dais, and a loft from which read- 
ing was given during meals. The screen, gallery and oriel 
are reproduced in Domestic Architecture during the Tudor 
Period. The title of " minstrels' gallery," given by J. H. 
Parker to the screen at the western end of the hall, has 
been called in question ; but as the same name is found at 
St. Cross it may be remarked that in such institutions 
minstrels were called in to perform on festal days, for the 
account rolls of St. Leonard's, York (1369), and St. John's, 
Winchester^ (1390), allude to it. The hospital was a 
semi-secular house, and such halls were occasionally 
used for public affairs. Permission was granted in 1456 
that the hall and kitchen of St. Katherine's Maison Dieu, 

1 The original hall stands west of the chapel, and is let as a public dining-hall. 



Plate x 




-y^^ t ^^ 



HALL OF ST. CROSS, WINCHESTER 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS in 

Newcastle, might be used by young couples for their 
wedding dinner and the reception of gifts, because at 
that time houses were not large. Leland notes that Thorn- 
ton "buildid St. Katerines Chapelle, the Towne Haulle, and 
a Place for poor Almose Menne." If the above-mentioned 
kitchen was as magnificent as that of St. John's, Oxford 
(now incorporated into Magdalen College), a wedding- 
feast or civic banquet might well take place there. 

The transaction of business was conducted in the chap- 
ter-house or in an audit-room. At Ewelme, for example, 
there was a handsome chamber above the steps leading 
from the almshouse into the church, and the audit-room 
at Stamford is still in use. 

The development of hospital buildings has been admir- 
ably dealt with by F. T. Dollman. In his earlier work 
{Examples of Domestic Architecture, 1858), he illustrates 
in great detail seven ancient institutions ; a reprint with 
additions followed (1861). The subject calls for a more 
exhaustive study, which is now being undertaken by a 
competent architect. In this chapter nothing is attempted 
beyond a brief indication of the prevalent styles. Fre- 
quently, however, the original construction can be barely 
conjectured, for only a part rs left, and that has probably 
suffered from alteration. Dollman distinguishes four 
principal modes of arrangement : — 

(i) Great hall — infirmary or dormitory— with chapel at 
the eastern end. 

(ii) As above, with chapel detached, and entered from 
without. 

(iii) Suite of buildings, usually quadrangular ; chapel 
apart. 

(iv) Narrow courtyard. 



112 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 




Hall 



1. HALL WITH TERMINATING CHAPEL 

(a) Infirmary. — The early form of a hospital was that 
of a church. A picturesque fragment of St. James', 

Lewes, is figured in Beauties 
of Sussex;^ the foundations 
remained within memory, con- 
sisting, apparently, of nave, 
aisles and chancel, the dimen- 
sions of the latter being about 
34X 15 feet. From an ancient 
deed in the Record Office, this 
building is shown to have been 
the sick-ward with its chapel ; 
it refers to the "sick poor in 
the great hall of the hospital 
of Suthenovere." Mention is 
frequently made of chapels 
"within the dormitory" or 
"in the infirmary, "and of beds 
"in the hospital on the west of 
the church." The statutes of 
Kingsthorpe show how this 
arrangement met the patients' 
spiritual wants : — 

"In the body of the house 

adjoining the chapel of the Holy 

Trinity there should be three 

rows of beds joined together in 

length, in which the poor and strangers and invalids may lie for 

the purpose of hearing mass and attending to the prayers more 

easily and conveniently." 

1 J. Rouse, 1825, PI. 76. 




ig. ST. MARY S, CHICHESTER 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 113 

The finest remaining example of such an infirmary is St. 
Mary's, Chichester. (PI. XVIII.) It is now a great hall 
of four bays, and seems originally to have been longer by 
two bays. (See Ground-plan, Fig. 19.) The hall measures 





20. ST. NICHOLAS , SALISBURY 

Black. Extant remains (xlii. cent.). 

Tint. Site of destroyed walls. 

Doited lines. Probable arrangement of original buildings. 

AA. The Chapels. BB. Cubicles. 

C. Latrines. D. Porch. 

E. Old Hospital. F. Covered way. 



over 84 feet, and opens into a chapel 47 feet in length. A 
wide and lofty roof with open timbers spans the whole 
building, the pitch of the roof being such that the north 
and south walls are unusually low. (PI. VI.) The Domus 



114 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Dei, Portsmouth, wasof similar construction. Its thirteenth- 
century chapel still exists as the chancel of the Royal 
Garrison Church, the nave and aisles of which replace the 
infirmary, or " Nurcery " as it is called in one document. 

The early French hospitals were usually of three wings, 
as at St. Jean, Angers, built by Henry II. It is probable 
that the same design was commonly adopted in England. 
St. Bartholomew's, London, had three chapels — besides 
those now called "St. Bartholomew's the Great" and 
"the Less" — and possibly these three were terminating 
chapels of an infirmary. At St. Nicholas', Salisbury, a 
double-hall opened into two chapels. (Fig. 20, Ground- 
plan.) Here there are some traces of Early English work, 
which can almost be dated, for an entry of 1231 re- 
cords a grant of timber,^ and Bishop Bingham completed 
the hospital before 1244. Buckler's sketches (PI. XV) give 
some idea of the charm of the existing buildings, which are 
mainly of the fourteenth century. 

(b) Almshouse. — The infirmary-plan became a model 
for some of the later almshouses. A fine example remains 
at Higham Ferrers (about 1423). The dimensions of this 
building were as follows: — Hall, 63x24 feet; Chapel, 
17 feet, 10 inches X 20 feet. Wooden screens subdivided 
the dormitory; and the statutes directed that each bedeman 
should join in evening prayers at his chamber door. 
Although not so secluded as the separate-tenement type, 
the early arrangement was good, for inmates had the 
benefit of air from the spacious hall, with its fine and 
lofty oak ceiling. Modern examples of this cubicle- 
system are still seen at Wells, St. Mary's, Chichester, and 
St. Giles', Norwich. In the latter case, the dormitory forms 

' Close 16 Hen. Ill, m. 17. 



PLATE XI 







ST. MARY MAGDALENE'S, GLASTONBURY' 

(a) VIEW FR'l.M THE WEST. C^) GKOUND-l'LAN 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 115 

part of a church adapted for the purpose ; the compart- 
ments communicate with a corridor-hall and are open above 
to the panelled ceiling of St. Helen's church with its 
heraldic devices. The early fifteenth-century Maison 
Dieu at Ripon was not unlike that of Higham Ferrers. 
The ruined chapel exists, with the arch which led into 
the domicile. By means of a partition, four men, four 
women and two casual guests were accommodated, and 
the priest had apartments at the west end. 

St. Saviour's, Wells, was a contemporary foundation. 
Leiand remarks: — "The Hospitale and the Chapelle is 
buildid al in lenghth under one Roofe." This interest- 
ing old dwelling-place still exists, but has lost its former 
character, as has also the Glastonbury almshouse for 
men, of which a view and ground-plan are shown on 
Plate XI. 

Slightly different again was the plan of a two-storied 
block, having a chancel-like chapel with a roof of lower 
pi^ch. Sherborne almshouse (Dorset) was built thus. It 
opens to both stories of the adjoining domicile ; this is 
done on the upper floor, by means of a gallery in which 
the women sit during service. 

Later, it was customary for the chapel to extend to the 
height of the whole building under one roof, as at 
Browne's hospital, Stamford. (Fig. 5.) Although the lofty 
chapel corresponded in height to both stories, only the 
lower one — which in this case was the dormitory — com- 
municated with it. This block formed part of a suite 
ranging round a quadrangle. A ground-plan and views 
of this imposing almshouse, with descriptions of its archi- 
tectural features, are found in Wright's history. There 
is a striking similarity of construction between it and 



ii6 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Wigston's hospital, Leicester (figured by Nichols^). Both 
were good specimens of the domestic Perpendicular 
style. 

The earlier almshouse in Leicester, called the ' ' Newark " 
(afterwards known as Trinity) was a large building. 
Nichols' view (1788)^ shows a range of dwellings below, 
others above with dormer windows in the roof, clumsy 
chimneys, a bell-cote, and at one end a chancel-like 
extension. There must originally have been extensive 
buildings to accommodate the hundred poor. Leland 
says: "The large Almose House stondith also withyn 
the Quadrante of the Area of the College " ; and of the 
church associated with it Camden says that " the greatest 
ornament of Leicester was demolished when the religious 
houses were granted to the king." Bablake hospital, 
Coventry {circa 1508), which was somewhat similar to the 
Leicester almshouse, still exists. This " Hospitall well 
builded for ten poore Folkes," as Leland reports, formed 
a simple parallelogram ; below, ambulatory, hall, dining- 
room, and kitchen ; above, dormitories. 

ii. HALL WITH DETACHED CHAPEL 

Of a great hall with separate chapel, Dollman cites one 
instance, St. John's, Northampton. Here the hospital 
was a parallelogram, the chapel touching it at one corner, 
but not communicating with it ; another detached build- 
ing, sometimes called the Master's House, was probably 
the refectory. (Plan and details, Dollman ; see also 
T. H. Turner, Domestic Architecture, Vol. HL) From the 
engraving (Frontispiece) it would seem that the Maison 

^ Leicestershire, Vol. I, pt. ii. 495. 

^ Bibliographica Top. Brit., viii, facingf p. 718. 







PLAN OF THIC Lkl'Kk HOSPITAL OK ST. (JILKS, LONDON 



(a) GATli. (/)) CIIATEL AND I'ARISII CllUHCIt. 
{/) Cn-|-rAi,ICS. {^^) HOUSES, I'lC, ()|. 1) 



(c) HdSl'I'l'AI. MANSION. 



((■/) I'OOL ( I.DSK. {,■) ORCHARD. 
(/■) WAI.I.S, {/) l.AII.DWS 




i--j_--ii±J""li-^- 



"i 



THE cHUKrH OF SI'. (;ii,i.:s IN Jill'; fiki.hs 

(«) I'AKrsil cirURCil. (/') irnsiMTAL CHUKCII, (, ) I1I..I.1, T.,WI-|(. (,</,e) ALTARS. 
{/) ^i'- MICF-IAEL's CIIAI'KL. (v) SLJ^'1■:I■N [)1V[D1N{; LIMJKLiriCS. (//) WESTERN ENTRANCE 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 117 

Dieu, Dover, was similarly designed ; at the north-east 
angle is the chapel, three bays of which may still be seen. 
The various apartments existing in 1535 are mentioned in 
the Inventory.! "The Great Chamber called the Hoostrye" 
(hostelry or guest-hall) was probably the common-room 
and refectory, but besides trestle-tables, settle and seats, 
the furniture included a great bedstead and a little one ; 
this hall contained an inner room. There were four other 
small bed-chambers, &fermery (infirmary) with accommo- 
dation for fifteen persons, besides day-room, kitchens, etc. 

iii. GROUP OF BUILDINGS AND CHAPEL 

(a) Leper-house. — Although originally lepers had a 
common dormitory, the plan began to be superseded as 
early as the thirteenth century, when a visitation of 
St. Nicholas', York, shows that each inmate had a room to 
himself. The rule at Ilford was that lepers should eat 
and sleep together "so far as their infirmity permitted." 
The dormitory afterwards gave place to tenements. The 
Harbledown settlement in the eighteenth century is shown 
in PI. II, the buildings being named by Duncombe, 
master and historian of the hospital. Facing the "hos- 
pital-chapel" were the " frater-house " and domestic 
quarters. The chantry-house by the gateway was, doubt- 
less, the residence of the staff. (See p. 147.) The original 
dwellings must have been more extensive, for they 
sheltered a hundred lepers. The view of Sherburn (Dur- 
ham) may reproduce the later mediaeval design. (Fig. 21.) 
In some cases a cloister ran round the buildings. The 
statutes of St. Julian's leper-hospital ordained "that there 
be no standing in the corridor {penticio), which extends in 

' M. E. C. Walcott, Arch. Cant., VII, pp. 273-80. 



ii8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

length before the houses of the brothers in the direction of 
the king's road." 

The Winchester leper-house was quadrangular. It 
existed until 1788, and was drawn and described in Vetusta 
Monumeiita. (Fig. 22, PI. XXI.) A row of habitations ex- 




21. SHERBURN HOSPITAL, NEAR DURHAM 



tended east and west, parallel to them was the chapel ; the 
master's house connected the two ; the fourth side being 
occupied by a common hall. Probably St. Bartholomew's, 
Oxford, was of a similar character. (PI. XXII.) The long 
building which remains north of the chapel has four 
windows above and four below, as though to accommodate 
the eight brethren. When dwellings ranged round an 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 119 

enclosure, it was usual to have a well in the centre. 
Such "lepers' wells" may still be seen on the site 
of St. Mary Magdalene's, Winchester, and at Lyme 
Regis. 

The lepers' chapel was almost invariably a detached 
building. Sherburn had a fair-sized church, which is 




22. PLAN OF ST. MARY MAGDALENE S, WINCHESTER 

still in use, besides two chapels, one of which communi- 
cated with the quarters of the sick {capella interior infra 
domum infirmoruni). The above were large institutions; 
but at St. Petronilla's, Bury St. Edmunds — which might 
be described as a cottage-hospital for lepers— the chapel 
and hall were under one roof. The projection on the 
right (more clearly seen in Yates' engraving) was the 



I20 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

refectory. The window of the chapel shown in PI. XXVIII 
still exists, though the ruin is not in situ. 

(b) Almshouse. — The modern design of almshouse, con- 
sisting of cottages each with its own fireplace and offices, 
developed during the fifteenth century. Thus about the 
year 1400, Grendon's new charity in Exeter became known 
as the "Ten Cells." It was directed by the founder at 
Croydon (1443) that every inmate have "a place by him- 
silf in the whiche he may ligge and reste." Some of 
these tenement almshouses were quadrangular, whilst 
others consisted of a simple row of dwellings. The con- 
temporary charities established at Ewelme and Abingdon 
illustrate the two variations of what was in reality the 
same type. The picturesque almshouse at Ewelme, dating 
about 1450, is shown in PI. XVII. The founder's intention 
was thus expressed in the statutes : — 

" We woU and ordeyne that the minister . . . and pore men 
have and holde a certeyn place by them self within the seyde 
howse of almesse, that is to sayng, a lityl howse, a celle or a 
chamber with a chemeney and other necessarys in the same, in 
the whiche any of them may by hym self ete and drynke and 
rest, and sum tymes among attende to contemplacion and 
prayoure. " 

The buildings (of which Dollman gives views, ground- 
plan, etc.) were quadrangular, consisting of sitting-rooms 
below, with bedrooms above. 

Formerly, inmates gathered round an open hearth 
(compare PI. X) or in a capacious ingle-nook, like that 
in use at St. Giles', Norwich. The chimney — which 
originally signified fireplace — is a new feature indicating 
a change of life. At Ludlow, for example, Hosyer's 
almshouse was constructed with thirty-three chambers 



ATE XIII 




HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 121 

and in every chamber a chimney. Those at St. Cross 
are slender and unobtrusive, but the later erections at 
St. John's, Lichfield, are oppressive in size. 

Of the simple row of tenements, a beautiful example 
remains at Abingdon. (PI. XXVL) It was founded by the 
Gild of the Holy Cross for thirteen impotent men and 
women. The present hospital consists of fourteen dwell- 
ings (with a central hall reconstructed in Jacobean times) ; 
the timbered cloister has recently been carefully repaired. 
The Spital Almshouse near Taunton, rebuilt by Abbot 
Beere about 15 10, consists of a simple two-storied row 
of cottages, with a covered way in front. 

iv. NARROW COURTYARD 

Ford's hospital at Coventry (PI. XIII) is placed in a class 
by itself. This half-timbered house is a perfect gem 
of domestic architecture. The oaken framework, the 
elaborately-carved verge-boards of the gables, the varied 
tracery of the windows, the slender pinnacled-buttresses, 
alike call for admiration. Entering the doorway, a narrow 
court (39 X 1 2 feet) is reached, perhaps the most beautiful 
part of the building. Each dwelling communicates with 
the bed-chamber above, and at either end were the chapel 
and common hall. Dollman gives the ground-plan, etc. ; 
Garner and Stratton's recent work on Tudor Domestic 
Architecture also contains lovely plates of the western 
front, courtyard and rich details. 

V. CRUCIFORM PLAN 

The ground-plan of the great Savoy hospital was 
cruciform, which is unusual. It would appear from the 



122 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

following extract from Henry VII's will, that he himself 
superintended the architectural design : — 

"We have beg'oune to erecte, buylde and establisshe a com- 
mune Hospital . . . and the same we entende with Godd's 
grace to finish, after the maner, fourme and fashion of a plat 
which is devised for the same, and signed with our hande." 

When completed, this was one of the most notable 
things of the metropolis. In 1520, some distinguished 
French visitors were entertained at a civic banquet. " In 
the afternoon, inasmuch as they desired amonge other 
things to see the hospital of Savoy and the king's chapell 
at the monastery of Westminster, they were conueyed 
thither on horseback."^ The engraving (PI. XIV) shows 
an imposing pile of buildings. 

Hospital buildings were good of their kind, and the 
chapels were of the best that could be provided. In 
Leland's eyes Burton Lazars had "a veri fair Hospital 
and Collegiate Chirch " ; Worcester could show "an 
antient and fayre large Chappell of St. Oswald " ; St. 
John's, Bridgwater, was "a thing notable " even to that 
insatiable sight-seer. Of the finest examples, most 
have vanished. At St. Bartholomew's the Great, Smith- 
field, however, a portion survives of those "honourable 
buildings of pity " which astonished twelfth-century 
onlookers ; and the noble church and quadrangles of 
St. Cross, Winchester (PI. VIII), show the scale upon 
which some were designed. The church of the Dunwich 
leper-house (PI. XXVIII) was 107 feet in length. (Ground- 
plan, ArchcBologia, XII.) Part of the apse remains, 
showing a simple arcade of semicircular arches, the 

1 B.M., MS. Calig. D. vii. f. 240. 



PLATE XIV 



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HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 123 

chancel being ornamented with intersecting arches. A 
treatise of Queen Mary's time describes this church as 
" a great one, and a fair large one, after the old fashion 
. . . but now greatly decayed."^ 

The most ancient, and, from an architectural point of 
view, one of the most interesting chapels remaining, is 
that of St. Bartholomew, Rochester ; the domed apse 
with its own arch, writes the chaplain, is rare even in the 
earliest Norman churches. (Ground-plan, s^& Journal Arch. 
Assoc, XI.) Norman work may be seen in chapels at 
Sherburn, Gloucester and Stourbridge, and in the fine 
hospital-hall at High Wycombe. Beautiful specimens 
of the Early English style remain at St. Bartholomew's, 
Sandwich ; the Domus Dei, Portsmouth ; and St. 
Edmund's, Gateshead. The latter chapel, built by Bishop 
Farnham about 1247, is still in use, for the graceful ruin 
drawn by Grimm (PI. XXX) has been restored. It is 
described in Boyle's Guide to Durham: — "The west 
front has a deeply-recessed central doorway, flanked by 
two tiers of arcades, whilst over these is an upper arcade, 
the alternative spaces of which are pierced by lancet 
lights ", etc. The chapel at Bawtry has a fine Early 
English window and a handsome niche at the eastern 
end. 

Among disused or misused chapels may be named 
St. Mary Magdalene's, Gloucester ; St. Laurence's, Credi- 
ton ; Stourbridge ; Poor Priests', Canterbury ; St. Mary 
Magdalene's, Durham ; some, like the last-named, are 
beyond restoration. St. Bartholomew's, Oxford, and 
St. James', Tamworth, long desecrated or deserted, are 
now being restored as houses of prayer. St. Katherine's, 

1 Weever, Funeral Mon., e4. 1767, p. 459. 



124 MEDIAEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Exeter, has recently been t^iven to the Church Army, for 
the use of the destitute poor resorting to the Labour 
Home. 

Ancient chapels remain attached to almshouses in the 
following places : — 

Bawtry ; Bristol (Three Kings of Cologne) ; Canterbury 
(St. John, St. Thomas) ; Chichester ; Gloucester (St. 
Margaret) ; Honiton ; Ilford ; Lichfield ; Oakham ; Ripon 
(St. John Baptist, St. Mary Magdalene) ; Rochester ; 
Salisbury ; Sandwich ; Sherborne ; Sherburn ; Stamford ; 
Wimborne ; Winchester (St. John's) ; Glastonbury (2) ; 
Leicester (Trinity) ; Tiverton ; Wells. 




23. CHAl'KL OF AUDOl lilrKRIi's ALMSHOIWK, <H,AS ] ON IIUKY 

(For interior see I'ig. 115) 



Those of Wilton (St. John), Taddiport near Torring- 
ton, and HoUoway near Bath, are now chapels-of-ease ; 
that of St. John and St. James, Brackley, is used in 
connection with Grammar School and Parish Church ; 
Roman Catholics worship in St. John's, Northampton, 
and French Protestants use the Anglican liturgy in 



HOSPITAL DWELLINGS 125 

St. Julien's, Southampton ; the chapel of the Domus Dei, 
Portsmouth, is part of the Garrison Church ; St. Mark's, 
Bristol, is the Lord Mayor's Chapel ; St. Edmund's, 
Gateshead (Holy Trinity), and St. Cross, Winchester, 
are Parish Churches. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE CONSTITUTION 

" It is agreed aviongst men of religion Ihat order he observed^ because 
without order there is no religiony {Rules of St. John's, Notting^ham.) 

WE now turn to the inner working of the hospital 
and inquire how the lives of inmates were ordered. 
Early charitable institutions were under a definite 
rule, either that of the diocesan bishop or of the monastic 
order with which they were in touch. In the Constitu- 
tions of Richard Poore of Sarum {circa 1223), one clause 
is headed : "Concerning the Rule of Religion, how it is 
lawful to found a xenodochiuin." Persons desiring so to 
do shall receive a form of government from the bishop, 
"since too great diversity of forms of religion brings in 
confusion to the church of God," Laymen therefore 
applied for an episcopal constitution ; the burgesses of 
Nottingham, for instance, charged Archbishop Gray with 
the drawing up of an "Ordination" for St. John's 
(1231-4). Even when a community was under a monastic 
house, the diocesan was often asked to compile statutes, 
as Grossetete did for Kingsthorpe and Bishop Stratford 
for Ilford ; but the abbot of St. Albans drew up his own 
code for St. Julian's. There was apparently a definite 
Anglican Rule, for "The Statutes of St. James' accord- 
ing to the Use of the Church of England " were promul- 
gated at Canterbury in 1414. 

126 



THE CONSTITUTION 127 

Founders and patrons also had a voice in the matter, 
sometimes drawing up the rule and submitting it to their 
Father in God ; thus the Ordinances of St. Mark's, 
Bristol, made by the patron and "exhibited to the 
Bishop" (1268) are entered in the registers. 

Most hospitals followed a definite system, at least in 
theory, as to admission, observation of regulations and 
penalties for disobedience. 

I. NOMINATION AND ADMISSION 

(a) Appointments to all offices were usually in the 
patron's hands. In a few privileged houses (e.g. Dover, 
Gloucester, Oxford, Cambridge, Norwich) the staff 
brothers had licence to elect their superior from amongst 
themselves, and to nominate him to the patron. Officials 
and inmates alike were admitted by a religious ceremony, 
of which the vow formed a prominent part. At St. 
Katherine's, Bedminster, the following oath was taken 
before induction by the master : — 

"I, , promise perpetual observance of good morals, 

chastity, and denial of property . . . according to the rule of 
the Hospital St. Katherine, near Bristol, in the diocese of Bath 
and Wells, which I henceforth profess as ordained by the holy 
fathers . . . and I will lead my life according to regular disci- 
pline." 

The selection of honorary workers on the hospital staff 
is dealt with in one of the deeds of St. Mary's, Chichester 
(formerly preserved at University College, Oxford, but 
now in the Bodleian) : — 

" If any one seeks the Hospital of St. Mary, at Chichester, 
let the Warden examine whether he is in sound or in infirm 
health. If in sound health, whether male or female, let the 



128 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Warden consider whether he is a person of good conversation, 
of honest life and character, likely to be useful to the House, 
whether in serving or labouring for the poor. If he should be 
found such, the Warden shall first point out to him the poverty 
of the House, the poorness of the food, the gravity of the 
obedience, and the heavy duties, which may possibly deter him 
and induce him to recall his purpose. But if he perseveres in 
knocking, then with the counsel of the Lord Dean and the 
brethren of the House, he may be received in the name of the 
Lord, without the intervention of any money or any compact, 
unless he has any property of his own and is disposed to resign 
it into the hands of the Warden. But if the character of the 
man who seeks admission be insufficient he must be repelled 
entirely. "1 

A brother or sister being admitted to St. John Baptist's, 
Reading, was professed in the adjoining church. Vent 
Creator and certain prayers were said as the candidate 
knelt before the altar ; after the sprinkling with holy 
water he or she then received the habit or veil, a kiss of 
charity being bestowed by the rest of the household. A 
discourse followed upon the rules and benefits of the 
society. The Office for the admission of members to the 
staff of St. John's, Nottingham, is given in the Records of 
the Borough. One prayer, at the benediction of the reli- 
gious habit, shows the spirit in which hospital officials 
were expected to enter upon their duties : — 

" O Lord Jesus Christ, who didst deign to put on the cover- 
ing of our mortality, we beseech the immense abundance of Thy 
goodness, that Thou mayst so deign to bless this kind of vest- 
ment, which the holy fathers have decreed should be borne by 
those who renounce the world, as a token of innocence and 
humility, that this Thy servant, who shall [use it], may 
deserve to put on Thee," etc. 

■ Sussex Arch. Coll., 24, pp. 41-62. 



PLATE XV 






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HOSPITAL OF ST. NICHOLAS, SALISBURY 

{a) SOUTH-EAST VIEW. {/)) WEST VIEW 



THE CONSTITUTION 129 

As the brother changed his dress, the Scripture was 
repeated concerning putting off the old man and putting 
on the new in righteousness. The versicles " Our help is 
in the name of the Lord," " Save Thy servant," etc., were 
also used, together with prayers for the Gift, for increase 
of virtue, for light and life. 

{b) Almsmen, too, were usually admitted by a solemn 
oath. That taken at Oakham is typical : — 

" I. the which am named into a poor man to be resceyued 

into this Hospital after the forme of the Statutes and ordana- 
cions ordeyned . . . shall trewly fulfiUe and obserue all the 
Statutes ... in as moche as yey longen or touchen me to my 
pour fro hensuorthwardys . . . without ony fraude soe helpe me 
God and my Holydom and by these holy Euangelies the whiche 
y touche and ley my honde upon." 

At Sandwich, after being sworn in, the person was 
introduced by the mayor to the rest of the fraternity, and 
was saluted by them all ; and after paying the customary 
gratuities, the new inmate was put in possession of his 
chamber. 

The ancient form of admission to St. Nicholas', Salis- 
bury, contains such injunctions as : — 

" N. thu shalt be trewe and obedient to the maistre of this 
place. 

" Item, thu shalt kepe pees yn thy self, and do thy deuoyrs 
that euery brother and sustre be in parfyte pees, loue and 
charite, eche with othre." 

Few foundations have retained their religious and social 
life with less change than this hospital, of which Canon 
Wordsworth has given us a complete history. Following 
the old traditions, the present inmates give a new member 
the right hand of fellowship when he is duly installed. 



I30 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

(c) Lepers, like other paupers, were admitted either at 
the patron's will or at the warden's discretion. The 
custody of the Crown hospital at Lincoln was at one time 
committed to the sheriffs, who were charged to notify 
a vacancy to the king or his chancellor " so that he might 
cause a leper to be instituted in place of the deceased, in 
accordance with the ancient constitution." Later it was 
stated that they were admitted of the king's gift, or by the 
presentation of the mayor. In some instances the right 
of nomination was held jointly. There were eight beds 
in the Hexham Spital, four being open to poor leper- 
husbandmen born within the Liberty, whilst the arch- 
bishop and prior might each appoint two tenants. 

A patron or donor often kept the nomination to one bed 
or more. Thus the founder of St. Sepulchre's lazar-house, 
Hedon, reserved the right to present one man or woman, 
whole or infirm ; he even made prudent provision to 
sustain any afflicted object allied to the patron within the 
fourth degree of blood. As early as iiSo, a subscriber to 
St. Nicholas', Carlisle, stipulated that two lepers from 
Bampton should be received. According to some statutes 
the candidate had also to be approved by his future com- 
panions ; "without the consent and will " of the Colchester 
lepers, no brother could gain entrance, and the same rule 
obtained at Dover. The little Sudbury hospital main- 
tained three lepers ; when one died or resigned, his 
comrades chose a third ; if they disagreed, the mayor was 
informed, and the selection devolved upon the vicar. An 
examination by the warden into the candidate's condition 
and circumstances was sometimes ordered, as at Dover. 
At Harbledown sufficient knowledge of the simple 
formulas of the faith was required. 



THE CONSTITUTION 131 

To enter a leper-hospital in early days practically 
involved the life of a "religious," especially in hospitals 
attached to monastic houses. The vow of an in-coming 
brother at St. Julian's is given in the Appendix to Matthew 
Paris : — 

"I, brother B., promise, and, taking my bodily oath by 
touching the most sacred Gospel, affirm before God and all His 
saints . . . that all the days of my life I will be subservient and 
obedient to the commands of the Lord Abbot of St. Albans 
and to his archdeacon ; resisting them in nothing, unless such 
things should be commanded, as would militate against the 
Divine pleasure. I will never commit theft, nor bring a false 
accusation against any one of the brethren, nor infringe the vow 
of chastity." 

He goes on to promise that he will not hold or bequeath 
anything without leave ; he will be content with the food, 
and keep the rules on pain of punishment, or even expul- 
sion. The oath at St. Bartholomew's, Dover, is found in 
the register : — 

"I, , do promise before God and St. Bartholomew and 

all saints, that to the best of my power I will be faithful and 
useful to the hospital, ... to be obedient to my superior and 
have love to my brethren and sisters. I will be sober and chaste 
of body ; and a moiety of the goods I shall die possessed of, 
shall belong to the house. I will pray for the peace of the 
church and realm of England, and for the king and queen, and 
for the prior and convent of St. Martin, and for the burgesses 
of Dover on sea and land, and especially for all our benefactors, 
living and dead." 

After making this vow, the brother was sprinkled with 
holy water and led to the altar, where he received the 
warden's blessing on bended knees. The form of general 
benediction was prescribed (with special collects if the 



132 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

candidate were a virgin or a widow), and a prayer was 
said at the consecration of the habit. ^ 



2. REGULATIONS 

The general rule of poverty, chastity and obedience 
was supplemented by detailed statutes. 

(a) Rules concerning Payment and Property. — There 
are some instances of compulsory payment by statute. 
If the candidate at Dover satisfied the warden's in- 
quiries, he might be received into the community after 
paying lOo shillings, or more if he could. Even then 
gratuities were expected ; half a mark was offered to the 
warden and half a mark distributed among the brethren 
and sisters. The entrance fee sounds prohibitive, but the 
Liber Albus records a similar custom in London under 
the title Breve de C solidis levandis de tenemento Lepro- 
sornm. This edict authorized the levying of iooj. from 
lepers' property to be delivered to their officers for their 
sustenance. 

Sometimes hospital statutes provided against this prac- 
tice. Thus the chancellor's ordinances for St. Nicholas', 
York (1303), forbade the admission of any one by custom 
or by an agreement for money or goods, but without fear 
of simony the property of an in-coming brother might be 
received if given spontaneously and absolutely. The 
statutes are of special interest because evidently framed 
to reform abuses recently exposed ; and the details of the 
cross-questioning by the jury and the replies of witnesses 
in that visitation are recorded. We learn, for example, 
that most of the inmates had been received for money 
"each for himself 20 marks more or less" ; one, indeed, 

1 Lieger Book, Bodl, Rawl. MS. B. 335. 



THE CONSTITUTION 133 

with the consent of the community, paid 23 marks 
(^^15. 6s. 8d.), a considerable sum in those days. Under 
special circumstances the patron sometimes countenanced 
a bargain. Thus when a healthy candidate for admission 
to St. Bartholomew's, Oxford, promised repairs to the 
chapel, the timber of which was decayed, he was re- 
ceived contrary to rules by the king's express permission 
(1321). 

The question of the property of the warden, officials 
and inmates now comes before us. The staff were fre- 
quently under the three-fold vow which included poverty. 
The rule at St. John's, Nottingham, was as follows : — 

"And no one shall be a proprietor, but if any one have any 
property, he shall resign it to the warden or master before 
seven days . . . otherwise he shall be excommunicated. . . . 
But if it shall be found that any one has died with property, his 
body shall be cast out from Christian burial, and shall be buried 
elsewhere, his property being thrown upon him by the brethren, 
saying, 'Thy money perish with thee.'" 

The same enactment is found at St. Mary's, Chichester, 
unless, indeed, the offender make a death-bed confession. 
But poor people sojourning there retained their posses- 
sions, and could dispose of them by will : — 

"If he has anything of his own let the warden take charge 
of it and of his clothes, until he is restored to health ; then let 
them be given to him without diminution, and let him depart, 
unless, of his own accord, he offer the whole, or part, to the 
house. If he die, let his goods be distributed as he hath dis- 
posed of them. If he die intestate, let his property be kept for 
a year, so that if any friend of the deceased shall come and 
prove that he has a claim upon it, justice may not be denied to 
him. If no one claim within the year, let it be merged into the 
property of the hospital." 



134 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

A total renunciation of personal goods was required 
of the inmates of leper-hospitals in early days. Alms 
received by the wayside went into the common chest, as 
did money found within the enclosure ; if picked up out- 
side, the finder might keep it. The lepers of St. Julian's 
might not appropriate or bequeath anything without the 
consent of the community. A singular article in the oath 
of admission was this : — " I will make it my study wholly 
to avoid all kinds of usury, as a monstrous thing, and 
hateful to God." In the Dover statutes trading and usury 
were strictly forbidden. 

The leper's clothing and furniture were all that he could 
call his own. In the disposal of such meagre personal 
effects, a precedent was found in the heriot — -the best 
chattel of a deceased man due to the feudal lord. An 
ancient French deed relating to St. Margaret's, Glou- 
cester, ordains that "when a brother or sister is dead, the 
best cloth that he hath the parson shall have in right 
of heriot." At Lynn, the bed in which he died, and his 
chest, if he had one, were appropriated by the hospital, 
as well as his best robe and hood. These rules indicate 
that the leper furnished his own apartment. The Office 
at seclusion enumerates the clothing, furniture and other 
articles necessary. {Appendix A.) 

One of the questions asked by the official visitor of St. 
Mary Magdalene's, Winchester, was whether the goods 
of deceased inmates went to the works of the church after 
the settlement of debts. In some hospitals, the rule of 
poverty was not held, or it was relaxed as time went on. 
By the will of William Manning, lazer, of the house 
of Monkbridge, York (1428), he requests that half a pound 
of wax be burnt over his coffin ; he leaves dd. to the 



THE CONSTITUTION 135 

works going on at the Minster, bd. to the Knaresburgh 
monks, and the residue to his wife. In the old Scottish 
version of Troylus and Cresseid, the latter makes her 
testament before dying in the spital-house. She had 
lived in poverty, but a purse of gold had lately been 
thrown to her in alms. Her cup and clapper and her 
ornament and all her gold the leper folk should have, 
when she was dead, if they would bury her. The ruby 
ring, given her long ago by her lover, was to be carried 
back to him by one of her companions. 

Pensioners of the better class were expected to provide 
all necessary articles, and to contribute what they could 
to the funds. Money acquired during residence was 
divided, a portion being retained by the individual ; at 
his death, either half his goods or the whole belonged to 
the community. The Heytesbury statutes directed : — 

"that euery poreman in his first Admyssion all such moueable 
goodes as he hath, pottis, pannys, pewter vessel, beddyng, and 
other necessaries, if he haue eny such thynges, to bryng hit 
within into the hous. And if he haue eny quycke catell, that 
hit be made monay of. And halfe the saide monay to be con- 
uerted to ye use of ye hous, and ye other halfe to ye poreman to 
haue to his own propre use." 

The goods of a deceased member were distributed to 
those who should " happe to overlyve," whether " gownes, 
hodys, cotys, skertys, hosyn or shone." It was ordained 
at Higham Ferrers that when an almsman died, his goods 
were taken into the storehouse, and either dealt out to 
the other poor men, or sold to a new inmate for the benefit 
of the rest. 

(b) Rules of Conduct. — Social intercourse within the house 
and with the outside world was clearly defined. Among 



136 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

habited brethren and sisters, the sexes were rigidly separ- 
ated, excepting at worship or work. In the case of inmates 
who were not professed, men and women seem to have 
Hved a common life, meeting in refectory, day room, etc. 
As to the intercourse of lepers with the outside world, 
there was a curious admixture of strictness and laxity. 
The ordinances of early lazar-houses show that the theory 
of contagion had little place in their economy. They 
recognized that the untainted need not be harmed by 
slight communication with the infected. When visitors 
came from a distance to Sherburn they were permitted to 
stay overnight. The lepers of St. Julian's were allowed 
to see friends — "if an honest man and true come there, 
for the purpose of visiting an infirm brother, let him have 
access to him, that they may mutually discourse on that 
which is meet" — but no woman was admitted except a 
mother, sister or other honest matron. The general 
public was protected, inmates not being permitted to fre- 
quent the high-road or speak to passers-by (1344). At 
the time of seclusion, the leper was forbidden henceforth 
to enter church, market or tavern. At St. Julian's, the 
mill and bakehouse were likewise forbidden. The statutes 
of Lynn required that the infirm should not enter the 
quire, cellar, kitchen or precincts, but keep the places 
assigned in church, hall and court. So long as they did 
not eat or drink outside their own walls, lepers might 
roam within a defined area. The Reading lepers might 
never go out without a companion. At Harbledown they 
might not wander without permission, which was granted 
for useful business, moderate recreation, and in the 
event of the grievous sickness or death of parents and 
friends. 



THE CONSTITUTION 137 

Such rules were more a matter of discipline than of 
public health. It was not merely lepers who were re- 
quired to keep within bounds, for ordinary almsmen had 
similar restrictions. At Croydon they were forbidden to 
walk or gaze in the streets, nor might they go out of 
sight of home, excepting to church. 

The rules of St. Katherine's, Rochester, were drawn 
up by the innkeeper Symond Potyn. He stipulates 
that if the almsmen buy ale, it shall be consumed 
at home : — 

"also that none of them haunt the tauerne to go to ale, but 
when theie have talent or desier to drynke, theire shall bye 
theare drynke, and bringe yt to the spitell ; 
"also that none of them be debator, baretor, dronkelew, nor 
rybawde of his tounge." 1 

If any thus offend, the prior with twain good men of 
Eastgate shall go to the Vicar of St. Nicholas' and the 
founder's heirs, who "shall put them oute of the same 
spittle for euermore, withoute anie thing takinge with 
them but theare clothinge and their bedde." 

(c) Supervision. — In ecclesiastical hospitals, the ap- 
proved method of maintaining order was by weekly 
chapter, at which correction was to be justly administered 
without severity or favour. The injunctions at St. John's, 
Nottingham, were as follows : — 

"They shall meet at least once in each week in chapter, and 
excesses shall be there regularly proclaimed and corrected by 
warden or master ; and the chapter shall be held without talk- 
ing or noise, and those who have transgressed shall humbly and 
obediently undergo canonical discipline." 

' Hist, of Rochester, ed. 1817, p. 215. 



138 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

At stated periods of a month or a quarter, the statutes 
were openly recited, usually in the vulgar tongue. After 
the revision of the ordinance of St. Nicholas', York, it 
was ordered that the keepers should read the articles aloud 
in their church on the eve of St. Nicholas. 

Internal authority was vested in the warden, whose 
power was sometimes absolute ; but in the case of hospitals 
dependent upon a religious house, grave offences were 
taken to head-quarters. For external supervision, the 
hospital was dependent upon the patron or his agents, 
who were supposed to inspect the premises, accounts, 
etc., yearly. This civil visitation was frequently 
neglected, especially that of the chancellor on behalf of 
the Crown. Abuses were apt to accumulate until a royal 
commission of inquiry and reformation became obliga- 
tory. Where an institution was under the common- 
alty, their representatives acted as visitors. At Brid- 
port (1265), the town administered the endowment 
of the manorial lord ; the provosts conducted a yearly 
investigation whether the brethren and lepers were well 
treated and the chaplains lived honestly. In London, 
there were officials who daily inspected the lazar-houses ; 
these "overseers" and "foremen" seem to have been 
busy citizens who undertook this work on behalf of the 
corporation (1389). As late as 1536 a gentleman was 
appointed to the office of visitor of "the spyttel-howses 
or lazar cotes about thys Citye." 

3. PENALTIES 

The punishments inflicted by the warden were chiefly 
flogging, fasting and fines, but he could also resort to the 
stocks, suspension and expulsion. The regulations of 



THE CONSTITUTION 139 

St. Mary's, Chichester, show the discipline suggested for 
offenders : — 

" If a brother shall have a quarrel with a brother with noise 
and riot, then let him fast for seven days, on Wednesdays and 
Fridays, on bread and water, and sit at the bottom of the table 
and without a napkin. ... If a brother shall be found to have 
money or property concealed from the warden, let the money be 
hung round his neck, and let him be well flogged, and do 
penance for thirty days, as before." 

The rules were particularly rigorous in lazar-houses. 
Among the lepers of Reading, if a brother committed an 
offence, he was obliged to sit during meals in the middle 
of the hall, fasting on bread and water, while his portion 
of meat and ale was distributed before his eyes. The 
penalties to which Exeter lazars were liable were fasting 
and the stocks. Punishment lasted one day for transgress- 
ing the bounds, picking or stealing ; three days for 
absence from chapel, malice, or abusing a brother ; twelve 
days for reviling the master ; thirty days for violence. At 
Sherburn the prior did not spare the rod. " After the 
manner of schoolboys " chastisement was to be meted out 
to transgressors, and the lazy and negligent awakened. 
" But if any shall be found to be disobedient and refractory, 
and is unwilling to be corrected with the rod, let him be 
deprived of food, as far as bread and water only." Equally 
severe was the punishment at Harbledown for careless 
omission of appointed prayers. Delinquents made public 
confession the following Friday, and received castigation. 
" Let them undergo sound discipline, the brethren at the 
hands of the prior, and the sisters from the prioress." 
The following day the omitted devotions were to be re- 
peated twice. 



I40 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

In the case of almsmen of a later period corporal 
punishment was never practised. If a poor pensioner at 
Heytesbury, after instruction, could not repeat his prayers 
properly, he must be put to " a certayne bodely payne, 
that is to say of fastyng or a like payne." In most 
fifteenth-century almshouses, however, the inmates were 
no longer boarded, but received pocket-money, which was 
liable to forfeiture. An elaborate system of fines was 
worked out in the statutes of Ewelme. The master him- 
self was fined for any fault "after the quality and quantitye 
of his crime." The fines were inflicted not only upon 
those who were rebellious, or neglected to clean up the 
courtyard and weed their gardens, but also upon those 
who arrived in church without their tabards, or were un- 
punctual : — 

"And if it so be that any of theym be so negligent and 
slewthfuU that the fyrst psalme of matyns be begon or he come 
into his stall that than he lese id., and yf any of thayme 
be absent to the begynnyng of the fyrst lesson that thanne he 
lese iid. ; And for absence fro prime, terce, sext and neynth, for 
ich of thayme id. Also if any ... be absent from the masse 
to the begynnyng of the pistyll . . . id., and yf absent to the 
gospell . . . ii^." etc. 

Industry, punctuality and regularity became necessary 
virtues, since the usual allowance was but 14^/. 
weekly. 

The rules of the contemporary almshouse at Croydon 
were stringent. After being twice fined, the poor man at his 
third offence was to be utterly put away as " incorrectable 
and intolerable." When convicted of soliciting alms, no 
second chance was given : — " if man or woman begge or 
aske any silver, or else any other good ... let him be 



THE CONSTITUTION 141 

expellid and put oute at the first warnyng, and never be 
of the fellowship." 

Expulsion was usually reserved for incorrigible per- 
sons. ' ' Brethren and sisters who are chatterboxes, conten- 
tious or quarrelsome," sowers of discord or insubordinate, 
were ejected at the third or fourth offence. Summary 
expulsion was the punishment for gross crimes. The 
town authorities of Beverley discharged an inmate of 
Holy Trinity for immorality. The ceremony which pre- 
ceded the expulsion of an Ilford leper is described by a 
writer who obtained his information from the leger-book 
of Barking Abbey : — 

"The abbesse, beinge accompanyed with the bushop of 
London, the abbot of Stratford, the deane of Paule's, and 
other great spyrytuall personnes, went to Ilforde to visit the 
hospytall theere, founded for leepers ; and uppon occacion of 
one of the lepers, who was a brother of the house, having 
brought into his chamber a drab, and sayd she was his sister. 
. . . He came attyred in his lyvery, but bare-footed and bare- 
headed . . . and was set on his knees uppon the stayres 
benethe the altar, where he remained during all the time of 
mass. When mass was ended, the prieste disgraded him of 
orders, scraped his hands and his crown with a knife, took 
his booke from him, gave him a boxe on the chiek with the end 
of his fingers, and then thrust him out of the churche, where 
the officers and people receyved him, and putt him into a carte, 
cryinge. Ha rou, Ha rou, Ha rou, after him."i 

This public humiliation, violence and noise, although 
doubtless salutary, are a contrast to the statute at 
Chichester, where pity and firmness are mingled : — 

"If a brother, under the instigation of the devil, fall into 
immorality, out of which scandal arises, or if he be disobedient 

' Hearne, Curious Discourses, ed. 1775, i. 249. 



142 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

to the Superior, or if he strike or wound the brethren or clients 
. . . then, if he prove incorrigible, he must be punished 
severely, and removed from the society like a diseased sheep, 
lest he contaminate the rest. But let this be done not with 
cruelty and tempest of words, but with gentleness and com- 
passion." 



PLATE XI 'I 




THE WARDEN'S HOUSE, SHERBURN 




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HOSPITAL OF ST. GILES, KEPIER 



CHAPTER X 
THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 

** No more brethren or sisters shall be admitted than are necessary to serve the 
infirm and to keep the goods of the house." (St. John's, Notting-ham.) 

THE hospital family varied widely in size and in the 
arrangement of its component parts, but this chap- 
ter, like the preceding, is concernedchiefly with the 
type of institution which had a definite organization. 
The establishments for infected persons will first be con- 
sidered. 

(i) THE LEPER HOUSEHOLD 

(a) The Master. — "The guidance of souls is the art of 
arts," says St. Gregory: particularly difficult is the 
guidance of souls in ailing bodies. Lanfranc realized 
that men of special gifts should be selected for the care 
of his Harbledown lepers. He not only arranged to sup- 
ply all they might need on account of the nature of their 
illness, but appointed men to fulfil this work "of whose 
skill, gentleness and patience no one could have any 
doubt." The Oxford statutes ordained that the master be 
"a compassionate priest of good life and conversation, 
who shall reside personally and shall celebrate mass 
daily, humbly and devoutly." He was required to visit 
the infirm, to console them as far as possible, and confer 
upon them the Sacraments of the Church. ^ The priest 

' ' Close 9 Edw. II, m. i%d. 

143 



144 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

serving lepers was permitted to dispense rites which did 
not pertain to other unbeneficed clergy ; thus the Bishop 
of London commanded the lepers' chaplain at Ilford to 
hear their confessions, to absolve the contrite, to administer 
the Eucharist and Extreme Unction. The ideal man to 
fill the unpleasant post of lepers' guardian as pictured 
in foundation deeds and statutes was hard to find : men 
of the type of St. Hugh and Father Damien — separated 
indeed by seven centuries, but alike in devotion — are rare. 
Two Archbishops of Canterbury witness to the scarcity in 
a deed referring to Harbledown (1371, 1402). After 
stating that clergy are required to celebrate the divine 
offices in St. Nicholas' Church, the document declares: — 

" It may be at present, and very likely will be in future, 
difficult to find suitable stipendiary priests who shall be willing 
to have intercourse in this way with the poor people, especially 
as some of these poor are infected with leprosy ; and this 
hospital was founded especially for sick persons of this sort." 

The master might himself be a leper. An inquisition 
of 1223 showed that at St. Leonard's, Lancaster, it had 
formerly been customary for the brethren to elect one 
of the lepers as master.^ In 1342 the prior of St. Bartholo- 
mew's, Rochester, was a leper. The regulations at Ilford 
provided for a leper-master and secular master, but those 
of Dover merely said that the master may be a leper. 
Although the law offered privileges to communities 
governed by a leper-warden (see p. 196), it does not appear 
to have been a common custom to appoint one. In 
hospitals dependent upon a monastery, some monk was 
selected to superintend the lazar-house. 

(b) The Staff. — It has been said that leper-hospitals 

1 Cited Vict, Co. Hist. Lanes, ii. 165. 



THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 145 

were "heavily staffed with ecclesiastics." There were 
indeed three at Lincoln, Ilford and Bolton to minister to 
ten or twelve men, but they conducted the temporal as 
well as spiritual affairs of the society. At Bolton, for 
example, the priests had to administer the manor which 
was held by the hospital. It was more usual to have only 
one chaplain in a household of thirteen. This was a 
favourite number, the figure being regarded with rever- 
ence as suggestive of the sacred band of Christ and His 
Apostles: "for thirteen is a convent as I guess," writes 
Chaucer. There were to be at Sherburn "five convents 
of lepers, that is of the number of sixty-five at the least"; 
five priests ministered to them, of whom one acted as 
confessor, and used also to visit the bedridden and read 
the Gospel of the day to them. 

The collection of alms also fell upon the staff, for as 
it was said at Bridport " lepers cannot ask and gather for 
themselves." The procurator or proctor therefore trans- 
acted their business. It was ordained at St. Bartholo- 
mew's, Oxford, that the clerk serving in the chapel should 
collect alms and rents and act as proctor. The staff 
sometimes included other untainted persons. Two healthy 
brethren at this Oxford leper-house were to be skilled 
agricultural labourers, able also to make enclosures and 
cover houses. 

(c) Attendants. — Domestic and farm service was also 
done by paid attendants. There were female-servants 
in the Sherburn leper-house, who undertook laundry and 
other work, and one old woman cared for the bedridden. 

(d) Leper Inmates. — Among the larger asylums, the 
approximate accommodation was as follows : — Harbledown 
100, Sherburn 65, St. Giles', London 40, St. Nicholas', 



146 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

York 40, Thanington near Canterbury 25, Dover 20, 
Plymouth 20, Bodmin 19, Winchester 18. There were 
13 beds at Carlisle, Exeter, Gloucester, Reading, etc. In 
some towns there were several small hospitals. Numbers 
were of course liable to fluctuation, and often apply to a com- 
pany of infected and healthy persons, as at St. Nicholas', 
York. "They used to have, and ought to have, forty 
brethren and sisters, as well lepers as others ; now they 
have thirty-two only." (1285.) By an inquisition taken in 
1 291, it was reported that a former master had admitted 
thirty-six, of whom four were receivtd pro Deo because they 
were lepers, but the rest for money. The king commanded 
that henceforth none should be received without special 
mandate, inasmuch as the funds scarcely sufficed for the 
multitude already maintained. The same abuse is 
noticeable a century earlier, for in 1164 Pope Alexander 
III forbade the patrons of St. James', Thanington, to 
admit into the sisterhood any who were not infected, 
for healthy women had been importunately begging 
admission.^ It was complained in 1321, that St. Bartholo- 
mew's, Oxford, was occupied by healthy and sturdy men ; 
and that at St. Leonard's, Lancaster, there were six whole 
and three lepers (1323). Both were originally intended 
solely for the diseased, the inmates of St. Leonard's being 
called by Henry III "our lepers of Lancaster." 

It has been represented, as a proof that isolation was 
non-existent, that lepers and untainted persons lived 
a common life, eating and sleeping together. This was 
evidently not the case. The sheriff of Lincoln received 
orders that at Holy Innocents' " the chaplains and 
brethren are to reside in one house, the lepers by them- 

^ Chron. and Mem., 85, pp. 75-6. 



THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 147 



selves and the sisters by themselves."^ The statutes at 
Ilford and Dover give similar directions. The priests at 
Sherburn slept apart in a chamber adjoining the church, 
but the Harbledown staff lacked such accommodation until 
in 1371 it was ordained that they should henceforth dwell 
in a clergy-house — "a home separate from the sick per- 
sons and near to them." 

When both sexes were admitted, they lived apart, 
a woman with the title of prioress being selected to rule 
the female community. Some 
houses were set apart for women, 
e.g. Alkmonton, Thanington, 
Bristol (St. Mary Magdalene), 
Newbury (St. Mary Magdalene), 
Bury (St. Petronilla), Woodstock, 
Clattercot, Hungerford, Arundel, 
Westminster, whilst one left be- 
hind it the name of "Maiden" 
Bradley. It sometimes happened 
that a married couple contracted 
the disease. • A clerk smitten 
with leprosy and his wife with the 
same infirmity were seeking admis- 
sion to St. Margaret's, Hunting- 
don, in 1327. By the Ilford statutes, no married man was 
admitted unless his wife also vowed chastity. On no 
account was a married person received at Dover without 
the consent of the party remaining in seculo, and then only 
upon similar conditions. In this connection a passing 
reference may be made to the marriage laws. Although 
by the laws of the Franks leprosy was a valid ^reason for 

' Pat. 12 Edw. I, m. i6. 




24. SEAL OF THE LEPER- 
WOMEN OF WESTMINSTER 



148 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

divorce, later Norman laws considered separation un- 
justifiable ; this latter was the attitude of the Church, 
which is given fully in the Appendix to the Lateran 
Council of 1179.^ Yet the pathos of the leper's lot is 
suggested by the declaration of Amicia, a woman of 
Kent in 1254 — that in truth at one time she had a certain 
Robert for husband, but that now he had long been a 
leper and betook himself to a certain religious house, to 
wit, the leper-hospital at Romney.^ 

For many reasons the leper-household was most difficult 
to control : it is small wonder that abuses crept in. Men 
forcibly banished were naturally loth to submit to rigor- 
ous discipline. They were persons who would never have 
dreamed of the religious life save by pressure of circum- 
stances ; moreover, the nature of their infirmity caused 
them to suffer from bodily lassitude, irritability and a 
mental depression bordering upon insanity ; in the life of 
St. Francis is a description of his ministry to a leper so 
froward, impious, abusive and ungrateful that every one 
thought him possessed by an evil spirit. London lepers 
were evidently not less refractory. From early days the city 
selected two men as keepers and overseers at St. Giles', the 
Loke and Hackney ; these officials, who were accustomed 
to visit the lazar-houses daily and to chastise offenders, 
were granted exemption from inquests, summonses, 
etc., on account of this "their meritorious labour, their 
unpleasant and onerous occupation." (1389.) The London 
edict of 1346 confirms the undoubted fact that lepers are 
specially tempted to a loose life. Banished from the 
restraining influences of home and public opinion, they 

^ Cap. 2, 3, 'vide Conciliorutn Onmiumy ed. 1567, III, 700. 
"- Assize Roll No. 361, 39 Hen. Ill, m. 28. 



THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 149 

were found in haunts of vice. The master of the lazar- 
house had no means of enforcing control. If the leper 
escaped and fell into evil habits none could prevent it : 
indeed, this did but ensure the liberty he craved, for the 
ultimate punishment of inmates was expulsion. 

(ii) THK HOUSEHOLD OF THE INFIRMARY AND 
ALMSHOUSE 

(a) The Master or Warden, who was also known as 
prior, ciistos, keeper or rector, was usually a priest, but 
occasionally a layman. One of the early masters of St. 
Mark's, Bristol, was a knight, Henry de Gaunt, whose 
mailed effigy remains in the chapel. Crown hospitals 
were often served by chaplains and clerks, but the appoint- 
ment of "king's servants," yeomen or knights, is notice- 
able during the fourteenth century. 

It is rarely recorded that the custodian of the sick was 
a physician, but the absence of the title medtcus in no 
way proves that he and his helpers were ignorant of 
medicine. In early days, indeed, it was only the clergy, 
religious or secular, who were trained in the faculty, and 
the master and his assistants must have acquired a certain 
intimacy with disease ; they would have a knowledge of 
the herbals, of the system of letting blood, and other 
simple remedies. An important medical work, Breviarium 
Bartholomcei, was written late in the fourteenth century by 
John Mirfield of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield. He ac- 
knowledges that it is a compilation for the benefit of those 
who could not afford to buy the treatises whence it was 
derived ; but he adds that part had been personally 
communicated to him and was supported by the experi- 
ence of others. The fine manuscript copy in Pembroke 



I50 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

College, Oxford, includes a list of medical ingredients, 
herbs, etc.^ 

In some instances the warden is described as a phy- 
sician. When the chaplain of St. John's, Bridport, was 
incapacitated, Master John de Brideport, physician, was 
deputed to act for him (1265). The Duke of Lancaster 
presented his foreign doctor, Pascal de Bononja, to the 
Preston hospital (1355). "Louis the physician," who 
held St. Nicholas', Pontefract (1399-1401), may be 
identified with Louis Recouchez, king's physician, 
who was then appointed to the hospital at Westminster. 
It is possible that visiting doctors and barber-surgeons 
attended hospitals. In an inventory of Elsyng Spital a 
debt of xxxvijj. ijd. was due to Robert the leech, and of 
xs. to Geoffrey the barber. One of the inquiries at the 
Dissolution of religious houses was: — "Whether the 
maister of the house doo use his brethren charitably 
when they be syke and diseased ; and whether, in tyme of 
their sykenes, he doo procure unto them physicions." 

The duties — and temptations — of a warden are sug- 
gested by the "Articles of Inquisition touching the 
Savoy" (1535). Not only was inquiry made whether the 
master visited the poor at least twice a week, and the sick 
twice daily, but also : — 

"Whether he be merciful], beningne and louyng to the 
poore ; and not skoymys [squeamish] or lothesome to uisite 
theym or to be among theym. 

"Whether he or his ministers by his sufferance do take in 
suche as they reken moste clene of the poore, and repell theym 
that they reken most sore or deseased, for auoydyng of their 
owne lothesomenes or contagion." 

' Hist. MSS., 6th R. 550. 



PLATE XVII 




THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 151 

The qualifications and duties of the head of an alms- 
house are defined in the minute regulations of fifteenth- 
century founders. The master of Ewelme must be an 
able and well-disposed person in body and soul, one who 
could counsel and exhort the poor men to their comfort 
and salvation. He had to conduct frequent services, and 
was warned to omit none — not even "for plesaunce of 
lorde or lady" — save "if he be let by sekenesse or prech- 
yng of the worde of God, or by visitacion of Fadyre and 
modir." The master of God's House, Exeter, might not 
be absent more than once or twice a year, his recess never 
exceeding three weeks and three days. At Wells, a chap- 
lain of commendable life, manners and learning was 
sought — one "circumspect and expert in spiritual and 
temporal things, and free from all infamous vice." The 
ale-house and hunting were forbidden to the warden of 
Heytesbury, as well as " inhonest playes, as of the Dees, 
cartes or of the hande-ball." He must never be absent at 
night, nor for long by day, although it was lawful for 
recreation to walk a mile or two at certain times. He 
had, indeed, little leisure, for he conducted certain services 
both in the chapel and parish church, and kept school, 
besides ruling the almshouse. 

The model master did not exist only in the imagination 
of founders, although he occurred rarely. Among good 
men who are not forgotten where they fulfilled their duty, 
mention must be made of John de Campeden, warden and 
benefactor of St. Cross. His friend William of Wyke- 
ham placed him in charge of that despoiled and dilapidated 
institution. He ruled wisely and spent large sums upon 
restoration. After a faithful stewardship of twenty-eight 
years, his death occurred in 1410. His memorial brass 



152 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

retains its place before the altar. The brasses of several 
wardens are also preserved at Greatham. 

(b) The Staff: Brethren and Sisters. — These offices be- 
came in some cases mere honorary posts ; there was no 
salary attached to them, but officials were supplied with 
food and clothing. The sisterships at St. Katharine's- 
near-the-Tower used to be given by the queen to her 
ladies. Of the eight sisters at St. Leonard's, York, some 
were workers (see p. 154), but others lived apart from the 
rest in a place built for them near the hospital, and were 
mere pensioners enjoying provision of food, clothing, 
fuel and bedding. Unprotected women were often glad 
to relinquish some little property by arrangement, and be 
settled for life. "Brothers" might be priests, monks or 
lay-brethren. The staff of St. John's, Oxford, consisted 
of three Augustinian chaplains — one being elected master 
— with six lay-brethren and six sisters. At Lechlade two 
brothers distinguished for kindness and courtesy were 
selected to exercise hospitality with charity and cheerful- 
ness, and to watch over the sick.^ Of thirteen brethren at 
Kepier, six were chaplains, and the rest acted as steward, 
keeper of the tannery, miller, etc. The brethren of St. 
John's, Ely, were forbidden to play with dice, or to be 
present at such play, but were to give themselves to con- 
templation and study of Scripture, one or two being 
deputed to wait upon the infirm. Each lettered brother of 
St. Leonard's, York, was directed to study at his desk in 
the cloister two or three times a day. 

The "proctor" was the financial agent of the com- 
munity. He held an important post, and had occasionally 
an official seal. It was sometimes his duty to deliver a 

^ Bishop Giffard's Register, ii. 391. 



THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 153 

charity-sermon — "to preach and to collect alms." When 
the traffic in indulgences began, the proctor became a 
"pardoner." (Seep. 189.) Spurious agents abounded, for 
the post was lucrative. A man was arrested as feigning 
himself proctor of St. Thomas', Canterbury ; another was 
convicted of receiving money, beasts, legacies and goods 
ostensibly for that house. ^ The collector received gifts in 
kind, and the following appeal was put forward by St. 
John's, Canterbury : — " if any one wishes to give . . . 
ring, brooch, gold, silver, cows, heifer, sheep, lamb or 
calf, let him send and deliver it to our proctor." Sister 
Mariana Swetman was licensed to collect alms on behalf 
of that hospital (1465), an interesting instance of a woman 
virtually holding the office of proctor. 

Ministering women have long laboured in our in- 
firmaries for the benefit of the sick, carrying on their 
works of mercy side by side with men. "The lay 
sisters shall observe what we have above ordained to be 
observed by the brethren, as far as befits their sex," 
decreed Archbishop Gray for St. John's, Nottingham 
(1241). One of the men, corresponding to the monastic 
infirmarer, was responsible for the sick ward ; thus a 
brother of Northallerton held the office of procurator 
infirmorum in lectulis, whilst two sisters watched by the 
sick, especially at night, and a third attended to house- 
hold affairs. At Bridgwater, women " not of gentle 
birth but still fit for the purpose " assisted in nursing ; 
they lodged in a chamber adjoining the infirmary and 
were to be always careful and ready both by night 

^ Pat. 6 Edw, II, pt. i. m. 15. Pat. 17 Edw. II, pt. i. m. 10. Compare 
inscription upon Watts' Almshouse, Rochester (1579); poor people to be 
sheltered " provided they be not rogues nor proctors." The law authorizing" 
proctors was repealed in 1597. Cf. Fraternity of Vagahonds. 



154 MEDIAEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

and day to help the sick and to minister to them in 
all things." 

The work of women among the sick developed further 
during the fifteenth century ; they evidently took a prom- 
inent part in the management of the larger infirmaries. 
A lady, corresponding perhaps to the matron of to-day, 
was in authority at York. By a will of 1416, money was 
bequeathed for distribution among the helpers and inmates 
of St. Leonard's at the discretion of Alice materfamtlias. 
Long before (1276) the officers had included not only a 
brother called Gamel de Firmaria, but a sister named 
Ann medica;'^ and in 1385 the principal sister was known 
as Matilda la hus-wyf.- In some institutions there were 
already distinct ranks among nursing women. The pious 
poet Gower remembers in his will (1408) the staff and 
patients of four London hospitals ; he leaves sums of 
money not only to the master and priests of St. Thomas', 
Southwark, but "to every sister professed " and "to each 
of them who is a nurse of the sick." 

Woman's sphere in hospital life was confined to work 
by the bedside and domestic duties. Occasionally they 
were found to undertake what was not fitting. The prior 
of Christchurch, Canterbury, made a visitation of the 
daughter-hospital of St. James, Thanington, after which 
he issued a deed of reformation (1414). A curious clause 
occurs in these statutes : — 

" We command that no one of the sisters ... or any other 
woman soever while divine service is being celebrated in the 
chapel should stand or sit in any way round or near the 
altars or should presume to serve the priests celebrating the 

' Chron. and Mem., 71, Historians of York, iii. 202-3. 
'^ Arch. Joitrn. 1850. 



THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 155 

divine offices or saying the canonical hours, since, according to 
the first foundation of the said hospital its chaplains or priests 
ought to have a clerk who ought to officiate in the aforesaid 
matters." 

In addition to regular brethren and sisters, there were 
under-officials. The staff of the larger institutions in- 
cluded clerks in minor orders, who assisted in worship 
and work. In almshouses where there was no resident 
master, a trustworthy inmate held a semi-official post. 
Thus at Donnington there were thirteen pensioners, and 
" one at their head to be called God's minister of the poor 
house." When the "tutor " at Croydon went out of doors, 
he ordained " oon of his fellawes moost sadde [serious] 
and wise to occupy his occupacion for him till he come 
ageyne." 

(c) Attendants^ etc. Serving men and women were 
employed to wait upon the infirm and upon the staff. 
Lanfranc ordered that the poor of St. John's, Canter- 
bury, should have careful servants and guardians, lest 
they should need anything. When the poll-tax was 
levied in Oxford (1380), there were twelve servants, 
artisans and farm-labourers working at St. John's. In 
the immense establishment at York there were sixteen 
male and female servants, besides a host of other stipen- 
diaries — two or three cooks, bakers, brewers, smiths and 
carters, a ferrywoman, twelve boatmen, etc. Working- 
class officials called the "man harbenger" and "woman 
harbenger" were employed to attend to beggars passing 
the night at St. John's,- Sandwich. At the Maison Dieu, 
Dover, two women made the beds, served the poor and 
washed their clothes. The position of the female atten- 
dant in an almshouse is well described by the name 



156 MEDI/EVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

"sister-huswiff " used at Heytesbury. The ideal woman 
to hold the post is pictured in the statutes of Higham 
Ferrers ; of good name and fame, quiet and honest, no 
brawler or chider, she should b(; "glad to please every 
poor man to her power." She had minute directions as 
to housekeeping and other duties which would fill the 
day, and in illness she must visit the patients at night. 
The keeper of the five married couples at Ford's hospital, 
Coventry, was required "to see them clean kept in their 
persons and houses, and for dressing their meats, washing 
of them, and ministering ail things n(^(',(^ss;iry to Liicm." 

(d) The Sick and Infirm. — Having described the officials, 
it will be well to form some idea of the number of the 
infirm to whom they ministered. "J'he largest (-slablisli- 
ment of this kind was St. Leonard's, York; and ;il P'aslir 
1370, there were 224 sick and poor in the infirmary, 
besides 23 children in the orphanage. About the same 
time there were 100 brothers and sisli;rs at St. John's, 
Canterbury. A large number of patients were cared for 
in th(; L(mdon hospitals of St. Bartholomew, Si. Thomas 
and St. Mary. St. Giles', Norwich, accommodated 30 
poor besides 13 aged chaplains, and 40 persons were 
maintained at Greatham. The majority of permanent 
homes were smaller, thirteen beds being a usual number. 
Many hospitals were obliged to reduce the number of 
patients as the revenues diminished. In the year 1333, 
St. Bartholomew's, Gloucester, supported 90 sick, lame, 
halt and blind ; but two centuries later Leland notes that 
it once maintained 52, but now only 32. 

Of pilgrim, patient and pensioner, little can be recorded. 
Temporary inmates came and went, receiving refreshment 
and relief according to their needs. Some of the resident 



THE HOUSEHOLD AND ITS MEMBERS 157 

poor were chronic invalids, but otiiers were not too infirm 
to iielp themselves and assist others. 

The frequent attendance at prayers certainly gave the 
almsfolk constant occupation, and they were required to 
be busy at worship or work. The poor men of Croydon 
were charged "to occupy themsilf in praying and in 
beding, in hering honest talking, or in labours with 
there bodies and hands." Inmates at Ewelme must be 
restful and peaceable, attending to prayer, reading or 
work ; their outdoor employment was to " kepe clene the 
closter and the quadrate abowte the welle fro wedis and all 
odyr unclennesse." (PI. XVII.) It was directed at Higham 
Ferrers that in springtime each poor man should help to 
dig and dress the garden, or if absent, give the dressers a 
penny a day. In the same way, at Sandwich, an inmate's 
allowance was stopped if he failed to render such service 
as he could. Those brothers at Ewelme who were ' ' holer in 
body, strenger and mightier" were commanded to "fauer 
and soccouf and diligently minister to them that be seke 
and febill in all behofull tyme." 



CHAPTER XI 
THE CARE OF THE SOUL 

*' The brothers and sisters mitst pray continually^ or he engaged in worh^ that 
the devil may not find them with noihi}ig to do-" 

(Statutes of St. Mary's, Chichester.) 

THE daily life in a hospital was essentially a religious 
life. From warden to pauper, all were expected to 
pay strict attention to the faith and give themselves 
to devotion. "The brethren and sisters serving God" 
were fully occupied with prayer and work. "A repre- 
sentation of a mediaeval hospital shows the double hall, 
the priest is administering the last rites of the Church to 
one patient, the sisters are sewing up the body of another 
just dead, mass is being sung at the altar, a visitor is 
kneeling in prayer."^ 

I. THE SERVICES 

The offices consisted of mass and the canonical hours. 
All who could rise attended the chapel on bended knees, 
the bedridden worshipping simultaneously. Even sick 
people could join in the intercessions ; thus the master of 
St. John Baptist's, Bath, agreed that the name of a late 
canon of Wells should be daily recited before the brethren, 
sisters and poor in the infirmary (1259). 

(a) The Staff. — In regular hospitals helpers were directed 
to keep the canonical hours unless reasonably hindered, 

1 Besant, London, Med. Ecc, p. 256. 
158 



PLATE XVIIl 





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X 



THE CARE OF THE SOUL 159 

each being expected to pray according to his powers and 
education. The lettered repeated the Hours and Psalter 
of the Blessed Virgin, Placebo and Dirige, penitential 
psalms and litany. Those who did not know the offices 
said Paternoster, Ave Maria, Gloria Pairi, and Credo. 
The brethren rose early for mattins; after prime and tierce, 
mass was celebrated ; sext and none followed. They 
then gave themselves to household duties, until the day 
closed with vespers and compline. Attendance at the 
night offices sometimes caused them to fall sick with the 
cold, on which account the brethren of St. John's, Bridg- 
water, asked the bishop for relief (1526). Accordingly 
they were allowed to hold their first service at 5 a.m. in 
summer and 6 a.m. in winter, provided that they first rang 
a bell to waken travellers, workmen and others, that they 
might attend mass and ask God's blessing before going 
about their work.^ 

(b) Lepers. — When a leper was solemnly set apart, he 
was counselled to say devoutly every day Paternoster, Ave 
Maria, Credo in Deum, Credo in Spiritum; he was to say 
often Benedicite and protect himself with the sign of the 
Cross. In most leper-houses inmates were required to 
hear mass daily and keep the canonical hours. At Dover, 
they were instructed not only to say their two hundred 
Paternosters and Aves by day, but as many at night ; one 
brother roused the slumbering by ringing the dormitory 
bell, and the prayers were repeated sitting erect in bed. 
At St. James', Chichester, a similar custom was con- 
firmed in 1408 ; the first hour after midnight, the brethren 
(unless too feeble) had to rise together from their cubicles 
and say the night office. The prayers included not only 

' W. Hunt, Diocesan Hist, pp. 158-9. 



i6o MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

the Creed, Lord's Prayer and Salutation, but interces- 
sions for the Catholic Church, king and queen and bene- 
factors ; if omitted, they must be said next day. Bishop 
Stratford of London, in compiling regulations for Ilford 
(1346) writes : — ■ 

"We also command, that the lepers omit not attendance at 
their church . . . unless prevented by grievous bodily infirmity : 
they are to preserve silence there, and hear mattins and mass 
throughout, if they are able ; and whilst there, to be intent 
on prayer and devotion, as far as their infirmity permits 
them." 

At Sherburn those unfit to leave their beds were to raise 
themselves at the sound of the bell and join in worship, 
or in extreme weakness, to lie still and pray. 

(c) Almsmen. — Inmates of almshouses were frequently 
under a solemn vow regarding religious exercises. By 
the oath upon admission to St. Bartholomew's, Sandwich, 
(PI. XIX) each individual bound himself to 

" be obedient w* hooly deuocyon prayyng for the founder of 
this place . . . and in especial! I shall be at the bedys [bedes] 
in the churche, and at matynys, and atte messe, and euensong 
and complyne, as the custome of maner is and usage — so help 
me God, and all holy dome, and all seints of heuen." 

The offices were sometimes grouped into morning and 
evening worship. Potyn directed that his almsmen at 
Rochester should say at a certain hour morning and 
evening "our ladie sawter." As this Psalter of the 
Blessed Virgin was the standard form of worship for 
the unlettered, a knowledge of it was required before 
admission to a hospital. At Heytesbury, the examination 
was conducted after entrance: — "and if he cannot per- 
fitely, we wull that he be charged to cunne [learn] sey 



PL A TE XIX 





ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S HOSPITAL, SANDWICH 

(«) CHAl'EL. (/') GATEWAY 



THE CARE OF THE SOUL i6i 

y^ said Sawter, his Pater Noster, Ave and Credo, as well 
as he canne." The keeper was to teach the ignorant, 
and if he were still found defective in repetition, penance 
was prescribed until his knowledge were amended. 

" We wuU also that euerich of y" poremen other tymes of y° 
day when they may beste entende and have leyser, sey for y" 
state and all y" sowlis abovesaide, iij sawters of y" most glorious 
Virgyne Mary. Every sawter ill times, 50 aues, with xv pater- 
nosters & iii credes. . . . And furthermore, that thei say 
euery day onys our Lady Sawter for all Christen soulis." 

After supper when the household attended chapel, all 
that could joined in De Profundis " with y^ versicles and 
orisons accustomed to be saide for dede men." At the 
close a bedeman said openly in English the bidding 
prayer. 

The almsmen of Ewelme after private prayer by their 
bedside, attended mattins and prime soon after 6 a.m., 
went at 9 a.m. to mass, at 2 p.m. to bedes, at 3 p.m. 
to evensong and compline. About 6 o'clock the final 
bidding prayer was said around the founders' tombs : — 

"God have mercy of the sowle of the noble prince Kyng 
Harry the Sext and of the sowles of my lord William sum 
tyme Duke of SufFolke, and my lady Alice Duchesse of Suffolke 
his wyfe, oure fyrst fownders, and of theyr fadyr and modyr 
sowles & all cristen sowles." 

The ministry of intercession was fostered in hospital 
chapels. A collect, breathing humble and trustful peti- 
tions, was drawn up by Wynard, Recorder of Exeter, who 
built God's House in that city : — 

"O Lord Jesu Christ, Son of the Living God, have mercy 
upon Thy servant William founder of this place, as Thou wilt 
and as Thou knowest best ; bestow upon him strong hope. 



i62 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

right faith and unshadowed love, and grant to him a good end, 
which is a gift above all others. Amen." 

The bidding prayer directed for the use of almsmen at 
Lichfield included petitions for the founder and for the 
royal family : — 

"O God, who by the grace of the Holy Spirit, the Comforter, 
pourest the gifts of charity into the hearts of the faithful, grant 
to Thy servant William the bishop, our founder, and grant to 
Thy servants and to Thy handmaids, for whom we implore Thy 
clemency, health of mind and of body ; that they may love 
Thee with all their strength, and with all joyfulness perform 
such things as please Thee, through Christ our Lord. 
Amen." 

The pious custom of remembering benefactors is con- 
tinued at Lambourn. The little almshouse was founded 
in 1 501 by John Isbury, who is buried in the adjoining 
church. Every morning at 8, the senior almsman repeats 
the prayer for the soul of the founder, after which the 
pensioners attend mattins. The vicar recently recovered 
a part of the original prayer (in brass) from off the tomb. 

2. THE CHAPEL 

The life of the community centred in the chapel. Of 
the chaplains at St. John's, Chester, two served in the 
church and "the third in the chapel before the poor 
and feeble sustained in the said hospital." There were 
three chapels in St. Leonard's, York (PI. XXV), including 
" St. Katherine in the sick hospital" and "St. Michael in 
the infirmary." Henry HI was present at the dedication 
of the Maison Dieu, Dover, 1 and again long afterwards 
when an altar was consecrated to St. Edmund by Richard 

1 Charter Roll i6 Hen. HI, m. 19. 



THE CARE OF THE SOUL 163 

of Chichester. Every hospital had one or more altars. 
Portable super-altars were occasionally kept, these being 
probably used when the infirmary did not adjoin the 
chapel. 

In order to gain an idea of the external side of worship, 
some account of the accessories of a chapel, such as 
lights, decoration and ornaments, must be given. Lights 
were kept burning day and night before the altar. For 
this purpose oil lamps with rush wicks, and wax tapers 
were required. The two Sandwich hospitals obtained 
their supply of tapers thus. When the mayor and towns- 
men came in procession to St. Bartholomew's on the 
patronal festival, many bore wax lights which they left in 
the chapel for use during the year. St. John's hospital, 
not being equally favoured, arranged otherwise, for the 
inmates agreed that if any one reviled another with 
vicious language, brawling in ungodly fashion, he 
should pay four lb. of wax to the light of the church. 
The altar expenses at Holy Trinity, Bristol, included 
payments for standards, candlesticks and lamps. The 
wax-maker received ^s. lod. for ten lb. of new wax for the 
Sepulchre light, and S^d. for a "wachyng tapir for the 
Sepulcre " (1512).! 

The chapel was adorned with paintings and carvings. 
The figure of St. Giles now preserved in Lincoln Cathe- 
dral was brought there from the hospital of that name. 
When St. Mary Magdalene's chapel, Durham, was being 
rebuilt, the sum of 15J. id. was paid for painting an 
image of the patron-saint. Alabaster heads of the Bap- 
tist were kept at St. John's, Exeter, and Ewelme. The 
inventory and valuation of Holy Trinity, Beverley, 

^ MS. in Municipal Charities Office. 



i64 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

enable one to picture the appearance of the sanctuary. 
The ornaments included an alabaster representation of 
the Trinity with painted wooden tabernacle, a well-carved 
and gilded image of the Blessed Virgin and Child (worth 
40J.) with sundry small pictures and crucifixes. 

Books, plate and vestments were frequently the gift of 
benefactors by will. The founder bequeathed to St. 
Giles', Norwich, "the gilt cup which was the blessed 
Saint Edmund's" (i.e. probably the Archbishop's); he 
left a Bible to the hospital and a missal to the master. 
Office-books were costly, the manual and missal at 
Holy Trinity, Beverley, being valued at £^ each. A 
master of Sherburn bequeathed to that house a richly- 
illuminated New Testament {Argenteus Textus), besides 
cloths of gold and brocade. John of Gaunt gave to his 
Leicester foundation "his red garment of velvet em- 
broidered with gold suns." When festal services were 
held at St. Mary's, Newcastle (PL XXVH), three gold 
chalices were seen upon the altar, whilst the celebrant 
wore one of the beautifully-embroidered garments of the 
hospitals, which included one wrought with peacocks, 
another bordered with roses, and "one entire vest- 
ment of bloody velvet, woven about with a golden 
fringe." 

Many valuables fell a prey to dishonest wardens. Fre- 
quent allusions are made to defects in the books, jewels, 
etc., of hospital chapels and of their being withdrawn, 
put into pledge, or sold. The treasures had often dwindled 
considerably before the final pillage, which partly accounts 
for entries in Chantry Surveys, etc., " plate and ornaments 
none." But as late as the sixth year of Edward VI, 
some traces remained of ornate services. St. John's, 



THE CARE OF THE SOUL 



165 



Canterbury, possessed ecclesiastical robes of black velvet, 
red velvet and white fustian, and a cope of Bruges 
satin. Some of these were removed, but amongst articles 
left for the ministration of divine service were "one cope 
of blewe saten of bridgs, one cope of whytt fustyan." 



^ I 1 



I' 11 



i'.:i\ 






J 



-s' r- 




25. ANCIENT HOSPITAL ALTAR, GLASTONBURY 

The fittings of such chapels have seldom survived, but 
original altar-stones remain in two hospitals at Ripon, as 
well as at Stamford and Greatham ; the ancient slab found 
in the floor at Trinity Hospital, Salisbury, has this year been 
restored to its place. The altar (Fig. 25) in the women's 
almshouse at Glastonbury (Fig. 23) has a recess in the 
masonry under the south end of the altar-slab. At 



i66 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Chichester and Stamford sedilia and stalls with misericords 
may be seen. Wall-paintings remain at Wimborne, and 
fragments of ancient glass at St. Cross ; St. Mark's, 
Bristol; St. Mary Magdalene's, Bath; Trinity, Salisbury; 
Sherborne ; and Stamford. 



CHAPTER XII 
THE CARE OF THE BODY 

'* Let there be in the infirmary thirteen sick persons in their beds, and let 
them be kindly and duly supplied with food and all else that shall tend 
to their convalescence or comfort." (Statutes of Northallerton.') 

IN considering the provision for material comfort in 
hospitals, one must distinguish between residents and 
sojourners. Board and clothing had to be found for 
the leper or the almsman, and the sick needed food and 
shelter for a time. Travellers either called for doles in 
passing, or required supper, bed and breakfast. Upon 
every pilgrim, sick or well, spending the night at St. 
Thomas', Canterbury, four-pence was expended from the 
goods of the hospital. Bodily necessaries of life may be 
classified under the headings food, fuel, baths, bedding 
and clothes. 

I. FOOD 

(a) Food for resident pensioners. — There was of course 
a wide difference between the lot of the ill-fed lazar who 
lodged in some poor spital dependent upon the chance 
alms of passers-by, and that of the occupant of a well- 
endowed institution. At the princely Sherburn hospital, 
each person received daily a loaf (weighing five marks) 
and a gallon of beer ; he had meat three times a week, 
and on other days eggs, herrings and cheese, besides 

' Surtees, Vol. 56. Gray's Register, p. 181. 
,67 



i68 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

butter, vegetables and salt. The statutes laid stress 
upon the necessity of fresh food, and it was forbidden to 
eat the flesh of an animal which had died of disease. 
This was wise, for the constant consumption in the Middle 
Ages of rotten meat, decayed fish and bread made from 
blighted corn predisposed people to sickness and aggra- 
vated existing disease. Forfeited victuals were granted to 
the sick in hospitals at Oxford, Cambridge, Sandwich, 
Maldon, etc. The Forest law directed that if any beast 
were found dead or wounded, the flesh was to be sent to 
the leper-house if there were one near, or else be distri- 
buted to the sick and poor ; Dr. Cox in his Royal Forests 
cites instances of the lepers of Thrapston and Cotes 
benefiting by this statute. 

Salt meat was largely consumed, but it was insufficiently 
cured on account of the scarcity of salt. Bacon was a 
most important article of food ; one of the endowments of 
St. Mary Magdalene's, Winchester, consisted of four 
flitches annually. About Christmas-tide, according to 
the " Customal of Sandwich," each person at St. 
Bartholomew's received a hog with the inwards and all 
its parts. The lepers at St. Albans had a similar custom, 
but they made their own selection for the salting-tub at 
Martinmas: — "we desire that the pigs may be brought 
forward in their presence . . . and there each, according 
to the priority of entering the hospital, shall choose one 

pig-" 

In some households, a meat-allowance was given to 
each person, perhaps two-pence a week, or a farthing a 
day. There were vegetarians among the residents at 
Southampton, for the account-rolls mention Sister Elena 
who for a time "ate nothing that had suffered death, 



THE CARE OF THE BODY 169 

and Sister Joan, "who does not eat flesh through- 
out the year." In those days of murrain they were 
prudent, for it is recorded that an ox was killed for 
consumption in the house "because it was nearly 
dead." 

In the later almshouses the inmates received wages and 
provided their own victuals, which were cooked by the 
attendant. It was directed at Higham Ferrers : — 

" That every poor man shall buy his meat upon the Saturday 
. . . and deliver it to the woman, and she shall ask them 
which they will have against Sunday, and the rest she shall 
powder up against Wednesday ; she shall upon Sunday set 
on the pot and make them good pottage, and shall give 
every man his own piece of meat and a mess of pottage in 
his dish, and the rest of the pottage shall be saved until 
Monday." 

The remainder was served up on Wednesday by the 
careful housewife, who was directed to buy barm on 
Fridays for the bread-making. 

Baking was done once a fortnight at St. Bartholomew's, 
Sandwich, the allowance to each person being seven penny 
loaves. The exact provision of brown and white bread 
is sometimes given in regulations. Oats "called La 
Forage " was provided for the poor in the Leicester alms- 
house, where there was a porridge-pot holding sixty- 
one gallons. Ancient cooking utensils are preserved at 
St. Cross, Winchester, at St. John's, Canterbury, and 
at Harbledown. 

In most hospitals there was a marked difference between 
daily diet and festival fare. Festal days, twenty-five in 
number, were marked at Sherburn by special dinners. 
vSt. Cuthbert was naturally commemorated ; his festival 



I70 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

in March and the day of his " Translation " in September 
were two-course feasts ; but the first falling in Lent, Bishop 
Pudsey provided for the delicacy of fresh salmon, if pro- 
curable. Both at Sherburn, and at St. Nicholas', Ponte- 
fract, there was a goose-feast at Michaelmas, one goose 
to four persons. The "Gaudy Days" at St. Cross were 
also marked by special fare. 

(b) Food for casuals. — Out-door relief was provided in 
many hospitals. St. Mark's, Bristol, was an almonry 
where refreshment was provided for the poor. Forty-five 
lb. of bread made of wheat, barley and beans, was given 
away among the hundred applicants; the resident brethren 
" each carrying a knife to cut bread for the sick and impo- 
tent " ministered to them for two or three hours daily. A 
generous distribution of loaves and fishes took place at 
St. Leonard's, York, besides the provision of extra dinners 
on Sundays. 

Special gifts were also provided occasionally, on 
founders' days or festivals. At St. Giles', Norwich, on 
Lady Day, one hundred and eighty persons had bread 
and cheese and three eggs each. Maundy Thursday was 
a day for almsgiving, when all lepers who applied at the 
Lynn hospital were given a farthing and a herring. 
"Obits" were constantly celebrated in this way. The 
eve of St. Peter and St. Paul, being the anniversary of 
Henry I's death, was a gala-day for lepers within reach 
of York ; bread and ale, mullet with butter, salmon when 
it could be had, and cheese, were provided by the Empress 
Matilda's bounty, in memory of her father. The ancient 
glass reproduced on PI. XX depicts hungry beggars to 
whom food is being dealt out. 

The Maison Dieu, Dover, kept the memorial days of 




THE BEGGARS' DOLE 



THE CARE OF THE BODY 171 

Henry HI and of Hubert de Burgh and his daughter. 
The fare and expenses on such occasions are recorded, 

viz. : — 

" Also in the daye of Seynt Pancre yerely for the soule 
of Hughe de Burgo one quarter of whete vj. viijrf. 

Also the same daye if it be flesshe day one oxe and if it 
be fisshe day ij barells of white heryng xxj. " 1 

Probably the annual distribution of three hundred buns 
at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, Sandwich, is handed down 
from some ancient custom on the patronal festival, but 
almost all these charities came to an end at the Dis- 
solution. The Commissioners who visited St. Cross, 
however, (1535) allowed the continuation of daily din- 
ners to the hundred poor, on condition that distribution 
was made 

"to them who study and labour with all their strength at 
handywork to obtain food ; and in no case shall such alms be 
afforded to strong, robust and indolent mendicants, like so 
many that wander about such places, who ought rather to be 
driven away with staves, as drones and useless burdens upon 
the earth." 

The "Wayfarer's Dole "still given at St. Cross is the 
only survival of the former indiscriminate entertainment 
of passers-by. 

2. FIRING AND LIGHTS 

The wood necessary for firing was collected from the 
vicinity by permission of the manorial lord. In Henry 
Hi's charter to St. John's, Oxford (1234), he granted 
wood from Shotover "to cook the portions of the poor 
and to warm the poor themselves." He also permitted 
the gathering of faggots for St. John's, Marlborough, one 

' Val. Ecc, i. 56. 



172 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

man going daily for dry and dead wood "to collect as 
much as he can with his hands only without any iron tool 
or axe, and to carry the same to the hospital on his back 
for their hearth." Early rolls record constant grants of 
firewood. St. Leonard's, York, was supplied with turves 
from Helsington Moor. 

The supply of fuel was regulated by the calendar. A 
benefactor {circa 1180) granted to the lepers of St. Sepul- 
chre's near Gloucester, a load of firewood "such as a 
horse can carry " daily from November i to May 3, and 
thrice a week for the rest of the year. From Michaelmas 
to All Saints, the lepers of Sherburn — unconscious of 
the coalfield all around them — had for their eight fires 
two baskets of peat daily, after which until Easter four 
baskets were supplied ; on festivals extra fuel was given, 
and at Christmas great logs were specially provided. 
Finally it was directed that : — "if any leprous brother or 
sister shall be ill so that his life is despaired of, he shall 
have fire and light and all things needful until he amend 
or pass away." 

3. BEDDING 

In early days, the sick and poor were laid on pallets of 
straw, but wooden bedsteads were probably introduced 
late in the twelfth century. A dying benefactor left to the 
brethren of St. Wulstan's, Worcester, the bed on which 
he lay and its covering of bys, or deer-skin (1291).^ A 
Durham founder bequeathed money to "amend the beds 
what tyme they shall happyne to be olde or defective" 
(1491). A strange civic duty was performed at Sandwich. 
It was customary for the mayor and townsmen, as 

' Giffard's Register, p. 388. 



THE CARE OF THE BODY 173 

"visitors" of St. John's House, to examine the condition 
and number of the feather-beds, and bedding, and to 
ascertain if all was kept very clean. Where travellers 
came and went, it was no light task to supply fresh linen. 
At St. Thomas', Canterbury, an annual payment of 
xlvjj. v'lijd. was made " to Rauf Cokker keper of the seid 
hospitall and his wif for kepyng wasshyng of the bedds 
for poure peple " (1535). The same year, the inquiry 
made into the condition of the Savoy hospital included 
these items : — 

" Whether the hundred beddes appoynted by the founder be 
well and clenely kept and repayred, and all necessaries to theym 
belongyngf. 

"Whether any poore man do lie in any shetes unwasshed 
that any other lay in bifore." 

4. TOILET 

Bathing and laundry arrangements are occasionally 
mentioned. The regulations for the Sherburn lepers 
direct a strict attention to cleanliness. Two bath-tubs 
{cuncB ad balneandum) were supplied ; heads were 
washed weekly ; and two laundresses washed the personal 
clothing twice a week. In the fifteenth-century statutes 
of Higham Ferrers matters of health and toilet are detailed. 
None might be received " but such as were clean men of 
their bodies " ; and if taken ill, a bedeman was removed 
until his recovery. Every morning the woman must 
" make the poor men a fire against they rise and a pan of 
fair water and a dish by it to wash their hands." The 
barber came weekly "to shave them and to dress their 
heads and to make them clean." When the Savoy 
was officially visited in 1535, the authorities were asked 



174 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

"whether the bathes limitted by the founder be well 
obserued and applyed." 

As to hair-dressing, "tonsure by the ears "was com- 
monly used by the staff. After profession at Chichester 
it was directed: — "then let the males be cropped below 
the ear ; or the hair of the women be cut off back to the 
middle of the neck." Among the instructions in the 
register of St. Bartholomew's near Dover is one about the 
round tonsure, and there is a marginal note as to the mode 
of shaving the head. The visitation of St. Nicholas', 
York {temp. Edward I), showed that formerly brethren 
and sisters were tonsured, but that Simon, recently 
master, had allowed them to change both habit and 
tonsure.^ 

5. CLOTHING 

(a) The habit of the staff. — -The dress worn by the master 
and his fellow-workers was usually monastic or clerical, but 
it varied considerably, for the priests might be regulars or 
seculars, the brethren and sisters religious or lay persons. 
Occasionally the warden was not in orders ; it was directed 
at St. Leonard's, York, that " when the master is a layman, 
he shall wear the habit of the house." In an ecclesiastical 
type of foundation, the dress was commonly after the 
Augustinian fashion, consisting of black or brown robe, 
cloak and hood, with a cross on the outer garment ; white 
and grey were occasionally worn by officials of both sexes. 
The Benedictine brethren of St. Mark's, Bristol, were 
clothed in a black habit with a quaint device, namely, "a 
white cross and a red shield with three white geese in the 

' P.R.O. Chanc. Misc. 20, No. 13. 



THE CARE OF THE BODY 175 

same." Secular clerks had more latitude in costume ; the 
sombre mantles were enlivened by a coloured badge, a 
pastoral staff at Armiston, a cross at St. John's, Bedford, 
etc. 

(b) The almsman's gown. — The early type of pensioner's 
habit is perpetuated at St. Cross. Ellis Davy, having 
sober tastes, provided for his poor men at Croydon that 
"the over-clothing be darke and browne of colour, and 
not staring neither biasing, and of easy price cloth, 
according to ther degree." This stipulation was probably 
copied from the statutes of Whittington's almshouse, which 
as a mercer he would know. The usual tendency of the 
fifteenth century was to a cheerful garb. The bedeman of 
Ewelme had "a tabarde of his owne with a rede crosse 
on the breste, and a hode accordynge to the same." The 
pensioners at Alkmonton received a suit every third year, 
alternately white and russet ; the gown was marked with a 
tau cross in red. At Heytesbury the men's outfit included 
" 2 paire of hosyn, 2 paire of shone with lether and hempe 
to clowte theme, and 2 shertys " ; the woman had the same 
allowance, with five shillings to buy herself a kirtle. The 
two servitors at St. Nicholas', Pontefract, wore a uniform 
"called white livery." 

(c) The leper's dress. — The theory of the leper's clothing 
is described in the statutes of St. Julian's ; they ought "as 
well in their conduct as in their garb, to bear themselves 
as more despised and as more humble than the rest of their 
fellow-men, according to the words of the Lord in 
Leviticus : ' Whosoever is stained with the leprosy shall 
rend his garments.'" They were forbidden to go out 
without the distinctive habit, which covered them almost 
entirely. The outfit named in the Manual consisted of 



176 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

cloak, hood, coat and shoes of fur, plain shoes and 
girdle. 

The hospital inmate in his coarse warm clothing was 
readily distinguished from the ragged mendicant. The 
brothers and sisters at Harbledown were supplied with a 
uniform dress of russet, that is to say, a closed tunic or 
super-tunic; the brethren wore scapulars (the short working 
dress of a monk), and the sisters, mantles. At St. Julian's 
hospital, the cut of the costume was planned ; thus the 
sleeves were to be closed as far as the hand, but not laced 
with knots or thread after the secular fashion ; the upper 
tunic was to be worn closed down to the ankles ; the close 
black cape and hood must be of equal length. The amount 
of material is recorded in the case of Sherburn, viz. three 
ells of woollen cloth and six ells of linen. At Reading the 
leper's allowance was still more liberal, for the hood or 
cape contained three ells, the tunic three, the cloak 
two and a quarter ; they also received from the abbey 
ten yards of linen, besides old leathern girdles and 
shoes. 

Lepers were forbidden to walk unshod. At Sherburn, 
each person was allowed fourpence annually for shoes, 
grease being regularly supplied for them. Inmates of 
both sexes at Harbledown wore ox-hide boots, fastened 
with leather and extending beyond the middle of the 
shin. High boots were also worn by the brethren at 
St. Julian's "to suit their infirmity"; if one was found 
wearing low-cut shoes — "tied with only one knot" — he 
had to walk barefoot for a season. 

For headgear at Harbledown, the men used hoods, and 
the women covered their heads with thick double veils, 
white within, and black without. Hats were sometimes 



THE CARE OF THE BODY 



177 



worn, both in England (Fig. 9) and in France. (Fig. 26.) 
In the Scottish ballad {circa 1500), Cresseid is taken to 
the lazar-house dressed in a mantle with a beaver hat. 
This was probably a secular fashion. 




26. A LEPER 
(With clapper and dish) 



CHAPTER XIII 
HOSPITAL FUNDS 

" To the which hospitals the founders have given largely of their moveable goods 
for the building of the same, and a great part of their lands and 
tenements therewith to sustain impotent men and women," 

(Parliament of Leicester.) 

ENDOWMENTS were to a certain extent supplied 
by the patron, but were supplemented by public 
charity. The emoluments included gifts of money, 
food and fuel, grants of property, admission fees, the 
profits of fairs, and collections. Receipts in kind are 
seldom recorded, and the changing scale of values 
would involve points beyond the scope of this volume. 
Particulars may be found in the extant manuscripts of 
certain hospitals and abbeys, in Valor Ecclesiasticus , etc. 
Extracts from the account-books of St. Leonard's, York, 
have been published in a lecture by Canon Raine. The 
finance of such an institution, with scattered and extensive 
property, necessitated a department which required a 
special clerk to superintend it, and the exchequer had its 
particular seal. Reports of the Historical MSS. Com- 
mission give details of the working expenses of hospitals 
at Southampton and Winchester. 

I. ENDOWMENTS 

(a) Endowmetits in money. — The earliest subscriptions 
are recorded in the Pipe Rolls, consisting of royal alms 

178 



rLATE .\.\'l 




ST. MARY MAGDAl.KNE'S, WINCHESTER 

(rt) master's house and CHAf'F.T,. {/') CMAI'El. 



HOSPITAL FUNDS 179 

(Eleemosynce Constitutce) paid by the Sheriff of the county 
from the profits of Crown lands. Three entries in the 
year 11 58 will serve as specimens: — 

Infirmis de Dudstan. xxs. Infirmis super Montem. Ixs. 
Infirmis de Lundon. Ixs. 

At first sight this seems not to concern hospitals ; but a 
closer examination proves that sums are being paid to 
sick communities — in fact to lazar-houses. For the lepers 
of Gloucester dwelt in the suburb of Dudstan, and the 
infected inmates of St. Mary Magdalene's, Winchester, 
were known locally as "the infirm people upon the hill" 
— now Maun Hill. The grant was paid out of the farm 
of the city until, in 1442, the citizens were unable to con- 
tribute that and other sums on account of pestilence and 
depopulation. The infirm of London were the lepers 
of St. Giles' ; and the sixty shillings, originally granted 
by Henry I and Maud, was still paid in Henry VII's 
reign, for a writ of i486 refers "to the hospitallers of 
St. Giles for their annuity of Ixj." Between the years 
1158 and 1 178 subscriptions were paid to infirmi at the 
following places : — 

Regular payments — "Dudstan," Hecham, Hereford, 
Lincoln, London, Maldon, Newport, Richmond, Rochester, 
St. Albans, St. Edmunds, Shrewsbury, "Super Montem." 
Occasional payments — ^Barnstaple, Barnwell or Stour- 
bridge, Bradley, Burton Lazars, Chichester, Clattercot, 
Derby, Canterbury and Harbledown, Ely, Ilford, Leicester, 
Liteport, Newark, Northampton, Oxford, Saltwood, and 
Windsor. 

Of the latter, some were grants on account of a vacant 
bishopric. In addition to the above, sums were given to 



i8o MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Pi 



(yarca iirv -noC-tleptot fcmAn 

nocetic.lmcof 

1)C rcSbtnt. vrj. ttff. 



leprosi of Southampton and Peterborough, and to hospi- 
tals of Gravesend, of Norwich, and " of the Queen." 
These contributions vary from i2d, paid to Hereford up 

to £t given to Hecham (Hig- 
ham Ferrers). In some cases 
corn and clothing were also 
contributed. There is a con- 
temporary representation of 
one of these "infirm" persons 
on the seal of the lepers of 
Lincoln, dating from the days 
of Henry II and St. Hugh. 
The document to which it is 
attached contains a covenant 
between Bullington Priory 
and the hospital of the Holy 
Innocents, Lincoln, concern- 
ing a rent of three shillings 
from the hospital. 

Revenues also consisted 
largely in annual rents arising 
from land and house property, 
some being appropriated to 
specific works. An early grant to St. Bartholomew's, 
Gloucester {circa 1210), was to be expended upon the 
maintenance of a lamp in the chapel, and shoes for in- 
mates, whilst the sum of '■^d. was to go towards the 
provision of five beds. 

(b) Endowments in kind. — The kings were generous in 
grants from royal forests. Henry III granted one old 
oak from Windsor to the sick of St. Bartholomew's, 
London (1224). He afterwards gave to [St. Leonard's, 




27- 



DOCUMENT AND SEAL OF THE 
LEPERS OF LINCOLN 



HOSPITAL FUNDS i8i 

York, "licence to take what they need in the forest of 
Yorkshire for building and burning, and also of herbage 
and pasture for flocks and anything needful for their ease, 
as they had in the time of Henry II.'' Food was also 
supplied by patrons, especially in what might be termed 
manorial hospitals, consisting generally of a grant of 
tithes on produce. Another form of endowment was to 
impropriate livings. St. Giles', Norwich, owned six 
manors and the advowson of eleven churches. When 
funds were low at Harbledown, the archbishop impro- 
priated Reculver church, thus augmenting the income 
by parochial tithes. This disgusted the parishioners 
who sought redress, thinking it "ill to be subject to 
lepers." 

2. BEQUESTS 

The money chest, larder and wardrobe were replen- 
ished largely by legacies. Amongst the earliest recorded 
are those of Henry II and his son, William Long- 
espee. Henry left a large sum to religious houses in 
England and Normandy, and particularly to lepers. 
Longespee bequeathed cows to lepers in the hospitals of 
Salisbur}-, Maiden Bradley and Wilton, as well as to St. 
John's, Wilton, and St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield (1225). 
Men in humbler circumstances were likewise generous. 
A certain William de Paveli left i2d. each to eight hos- 
pitals in Northampton, Brackley, Towxester, Newport 
Pagnell, Hocclive and Stra[t]ford circa 1240).^ "Wills 
abound in references of a similar character. Early lega- 
cies were made to the hospital as a body, but when the 
renunciation of individual property by the staff ceased, 
money was gi\en to individuals ; a benefactor of St. 

^ Madox, Formulare Ang.^ p. 424^ 



iS2 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ItNGLAND 

Giles', Norwich, left 20 marks to the master and brt-lhroii, 
40(/. each to other officials, and 2,v. to iMch bed (i,vs7)-' 
Gifts were frequently made to patients ; Stephen Forsler 
desired that lOOi'. should be given away in five oily 
hospitals, besides live marks in pence to inmates of Si. 
Bartholomew's, Bristol (1458). An eiulownicnt of penny 
doles was provided by Lady Maud Courtenay in Exeter, 
namely thirteen pence annually for twi-nly years "to xiii 
pore men of Symon Grendon is hous " (14(14). Testamen- 
tary gifts were also madt' in the Rirm of ilotlics, beilding, 
utensils, etc. The founder of St. Giles', Norwich, left to 
it "the cup out of which the poor children drank," pro- 
bably some vessel of his own hitherto lent for the scholars 
daily meal. 

3. PROFITS HV TKADINC 

The fair was a great institution in medi.oval England, 
and the funds of privileged cliaritit's were assisted in this 
way. At Maiden Bradley the leprous women and their 
prior held a weekly market and an annual fair. The Ches- 
terfield fair was exchanged for a yearly payment of six 
pounds of silver from the royal Exchecjuc^-, which iiulicates 
the value set upon it. The most notable liosjjilal-fairs 
were that of the leper-house near Cambridge (originally 
held in the close and still held on Stourbridge Common), 
and those connected with St. Bartholomew's and Si. 
James' near London. The story of the former has been 
told by LI. Morley ; and the "May-Lair" of St. James' 
leper-house was also famous. These galas were usually 
at the patronal festival and lasted two or three days, but 
occasionally these profitable festivities were (\irried on for 
a fortnight, h-airs were held at the following lios|jilals :- 

' I'.K.O. Anciiiil Dn-cls, A n5()j. 



HOSPITAL FUNDS 183 

Aynho, Bath (HoUoway), Bury (St. Nicholas, St. Saviour), 
Baldock, Colchester (St. Mary Magdalene), Devizes (St. 
James & St. Denys), Dover (Buckland), Harting, Ipswich, 
Lingerscroft, Newbury, Newport, Newton Garth, Rache- 
ness, Royston (St. Nicholas), Swinestre near Sittingbourne, 
Thetford (St. John), Wycomb (2), etc. 

This curious and interesting custom survives in con- 
nection with St. Bartholomew's, Newbury. The fair, 
originally granted by charter of King John (1215),' still 
takes place annually on the day and morrow of St. 
Bartholomew {Old Style), upon lands belonging to the 
hospital. A "Court of Pie Powder" is held on the 
morrow of St. Bartholomew's day ; the proctor of this 
ancient charity with the steward and bailiff attend, and 
proclamation is made opening the Court. Tolls derived 
from stallages are collected, together with an impost of 
2d. on every publican in Newbury (the latter due being 
resisted in a few cases). The following day the Court 
meets again, when the proceeds are divided amongst the 
almsmen.^ 

4. ADMISSION FEES 

A considerable pecuniary benefit accrued to hospitals 
by the custom of receiving contributions from newly- 
admitted members of the household. In some cases a 
benefaction was made when persons were received into 
a community ; thus Archbishop Wichwane as patron 
granted permission for a certain Gilbert and his wife to 
bestow their goods upon Bawtry hospital and dwell there 

(I28l).3 

1 Charter Roll 17 John, m. 8. 

'•^ Communicated by the Town Clerk. 

^ Surtees Soc, 114, p. 278. 



i84 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

5. INVOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTIONS 

Rates were levied for hospital maintenance on an 
organized system in some foreign countries. Some- 
times a compulsory Hospital Sunday Fund was instituted, 
one penny being demanded from the richer, one half- 
penny from the middle-class, and a loaf from lesser 
folk. In England, however, the only obligatory support 
was an occasional toll on produce, perhaps first ordered 
by the feudal lord, but afterwards granted by custom. 
The Bishop of Exeter (1163) confirmed to lepers their 
ancient right to collect food twice a week in the market, 
and alms on two other days, — a custom resented by the 
citizens. (Seep. 54.) Kingjohn conferred upon Shrewsbury 
lazars the privilege of taking handfuls of corn and flour 
from sacks exposed in the market (1204). By charter of 
the Earls, the Chester lepers were entitled to extensive tolls 
— upon salt, fish, grain, malt, fruit and vegetables, to 
a cheese or salmon from every load, and even one horse 
from the horse-fair. The lepers of St. Mary Magdalene's, 
Southampton, received "from time immemorial " a penny 
upon every tun of wine imported. 

The mayor and commonalty of Carlisle granted every 
Sunday to the lepers a pottle of ale from each brew-house 
of the city, and a farthing loaf from every baker who 
displayed his bread for sale on Saturday. Their hospital 
was also endowed "time out of mind" with a corn-tax 
known as the " thraves of St. Nicholas" from every 
carucate of land in Cumberland. (The thrave is variously 
computed at twelve, twenty or twenty-four sheaves.) 
This county had a heavy poor-rate, for the great York 
hospital collected likewise from every plough working in 



HOSPITAL FUNDS 185 

the northern Archiepiscopate (Cumberland, Westmorland, 
Lancashire and Yorkshire). These " thraves of St. Leon- 
ard," or " Petercorn," belonged to the hospital by virtue 
of Athelstan's gift, which had been originally granted to 
him by his northern subjects in recognition of his 
destruction of wolves. The lands of the Durham 
Bishopric contributed "thraves of St. Giles" to Kepier 
hospital. The collection of such tolls was a constant 
difficulty, for it was resented by landowners, who had also 
the ordinary tithes to pay. 

(6) VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTIONS 

(a) Donations. — At first, freewill-offerings were mainly 
in kind. The earliest collector whose name occurs is 
Alfune, Rahere's friend. While the founder was occupied 
at St. Bartholomew's, Alfune was wont "to cumpasse 
and go abowte the nye placys of the chirche besily to seke 
and prouyde necessaries to the nede of the poer men, 
that lay in the hospitall." It fell on a day that as Alfune 
visited the meat-market, he came to a butcher whose 
persistent refusal of help grieved him. After working 
what was regarded as a miracle, Alfune won him over, 
and departed with flesh in his vessel : henceforth butchers 
were more prompt to give their alms. Almsmen used 
sometimes to collect in person. It was customary for 
some of the brothers of St. John's House to "attend the 
churches in Sandwich every Sunday, with a pewter dish, 
soliciting money to buy meat for dinner on that day." 
Another brother was deputed to travel on an ass through 
Kent asking alms — "and he collects sometimes ten 
shillings a year, sometimes a mark, above his expenses." 

All save richly-endowed houses were dependent upon 



i86 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

casual charity. In St. Mary's, Yarmouth, it is recorded 
"live a multitude of poor brethren and sisters, for whose 
sustenance a daily quest has to be made." One of the 
London statutes, enrolled in Liber Albus, directs that 
lepers shall have a common attorney to go every Sunday 
into the parish-churches to gather alms for their sus- 
tenance. Lest charitable offerings should diminish when 
lepers were removed from sight, a clause was added to the 
proclamation of 1348 : — " it is the king's intention that all 
who wish to give alms to lepers shall do so freely, and the 
sheriff shall incite the men of his bailiwick to give alms to 
those so expelled from the communion of men." It would 
appear from a London will of 1369, that special chests 
were afterwards provided; for bequests are then made to 
the alms-boxes {pixidibus) for lepers around London. 
Alms-boxes were carried about by collectors, and also 
hung at the gate or within the hospital. The proctor of 
the staff went on his mission with a portable money-box ; 
upon one occasion, a false proctor was convicted of pre- 
tending to collect for St. Mary of Bethlehem, for which 
fraud he was pilloried, the iron-bound box with which 
he had paraded the streets being tied round his neck. 
Boxes of this kind, sometimes having a chain attached, 
remain in almshouses at Canterbury, Leicester and Stam- 
ford. It was directed by the statutes of Higham Ferrers 
that a common box with a hole in the top should be set in 
the midst of the dormitory so that well-disposed people 
might put in their charity ; at certain times also two of the 
poor men were to "go abroad to gather up the devotions 
of the brotherhood," the contents being afterwards 
divided. 

(b) Small Subscriptions. — Some fraternities formed 



HOSPITAL FUNDS 187 

associations for the maintenance of cliarities. That of St. 
John Baptist, Winchester, helped to support St. John's 
hospital with the shillings contributed by its 107 mem- 
bers. The modern hospital of St. Leonard, Bedford, is 
kept up on this principle. 

(c) Appeals authorized by the King. — The work of the 
proctor was not confined to the neighbourhood. Having 
first possessed himself of letters-testimonial, he journeyed 
in England, or even in Wales and Ireland. A "protec- 
tion " or warrant was necessary, for unauthorized collec- 
tors were liable to arrest ; it was in the form of a royal 
letter addressed to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, 
priors, bailiffs, lieges, etc. Henry III pleads with his 
subjects the cause of St. Giles', Shrewsbury : — " that 
when the brethren come to you to beg alms, you will 
favourably admit them, and mercifully impart to them 
your alms of the goods conferred by God upon you." 
Many letters-patent license the proctors, messengers or 
attorneys to collect in churches, or, as at St. Anthony's, 
Lenton (1332), in towns, fairs and markets. Sometimes the 
collector went forth supported by Church and State ; as 
when the king issued mandates (1317, 1331) to welcome 
the proctor of the Romsey lepers "authorized by John, 
Bishop of Winchester and other prelates." 

(d) Appeals authorized by the Church, as Briefs, Indul- 
gences, etc. — Bishops likewise issued briefs, or letters of 
recommendation, on behalf of institutions in their own 
dioceses or beyond. The infirm of Holy Innocents', 
Lincoln, received from their diocesan a mandate (1294), 
ordering the parochial clergy to allow their agent to 
solicit alms after mass on three Sundays or festivals each 
year ; later, the stipulation was added, that the Cathedral 



i88 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

fabric fund should not suffer thereby. A typical docu- 
ment is found in the Winchester Register in favour of 
St. Leonard's, Bedford (i 321). Tlie mandate was addressed 
to the archdeacons, deans, rectors, vicars and chaplains, 
commanding them to receive accredited messengers of 
that needy hospital, to cause their business to be ex- 
pounded by the priest during mass, after which thi' 
collection should be delivered without deduction. Th(' 
brief was in force for two years and the clergy were 
bidden to help effectually by word and example at leasl 
once a year. 

Episcopal Registers include many such documents, 
some being granted on special occasions, to make good 
losses by murrain, to enlarge premises, or to rebuild after 
fire, flood or invasion. Some briefs were not unlil<e 
modern appeals, with their lists of presidents and patrons ; 
for that on behalf of Romney hospital (1380) was signed 
by both archbishops and eleven bishops. It was a recog- 
nized source of raising funds. John de Plumptre in 
making arrangements for his almshouse at Nottingham 
(1414), provided that the widows, for the bettering of their 
sustenance, should "have and hold an episcopal bull and 
indulgence . . . procured from the archbishops and 
bishops of England, Wales and Ireland."' 

It is curious to watch the increase of the privihtges 
offered. The earlier bishops remitted penance for seven 
or thirteen days, those of a later period, for forty days. 
Roman indulgences knew no such limits. The form of 
a papal brief (1392) was as follows : — 

"Relaxation of seven years and seven i/iini/ni,i;<'iic to peni- 
tents who on the principal feasts of the year and those of 
^ i^i-cords of Notlingiiam, li. <y). 



HOSPITAL FUNDS 189 

St. James in the month of July and the dedication, the usual 
octaves and six days ; and of a hundred days to those who 
during the said octaves and days visit and gfive alms for the 
sustentation and recreation of the chapel of St. James' poor 
hospital without the walls, London." 

William, Lord Berkeley directed the executors of his will 
(1492):— 

" to purchase a pardon from the court of Rome, as large as 
may be had, for this Chappie [Longbridge], from evensonge 
to evensonge, in the feast of Trinity for ever, for pleyne re- 
mission to them that will be confessed and contrite." 

Offerings stimulated by such pardons were in money or 
in kind. A deed belonging to the Bridport Corporation 
sets forth that the writer has seen letters from famous 
ecclesiastics — including St. Thomas and St. Edmund of 
Canterbury — in favour of Allington leper-house, one 
being an indulgence of Alexander IV : — 

" Item, to alle thos that gevyn broche, rynge, boke, belle, 
candell, vestimente, bordclothe, towelle, pygge, lambe, wolle, 
peny, or penyworthe, be whiche the sayde hows and hospitale 
is amended and mentaynde, the sayd Pope grauntethe the 
remission of the vijth parte of penance injunct[ed]." 

Thus the questionable trade of the pardoner^ was often 
carried on by the hospital proctor ; moreover, spurious 
bulls were circulated. The abuses to which the practice 
gave rise were recognized by Bishop Grandisson, who 
announced that questors collecting alms in the diocese of 
Exeter were forbidden to preach, or to sell fictitious 
privileges, or unauthorized pardons. A papal exhortation 

' The word was retained after the Reformation, e.g. 1573, " paid to a 
pardoner that gathered for the hospital of Plympton " (T. N. Brushfield, 
Devonshire Briefs). 



igo MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

on behalf of St. Anne's, Colchester (1402), forbids these 
presents to be sent by pardoners {qiiestuarii). Those who 
bought a pardon from the proctor of St. John's, Canter- 
bury, were informed that the benefit of 30,000 Paternosters 
and Ave Marias was freely imparted to them. But 
although indulgences were liable to abuse, it must be 
remembered that authorized pardons extended to penitents 
only — to those who, being contrite, had already confessed 
and received absolution and penance. Upon the indul- 
genced feast of St. Michael, so many people flocked to 
St. Mary's, Leicester, that a special staff of confessors 
became necessary. 

7. ALMS OF PILGRIMS 

Such visits to hospitals lead to the further consideration 
of pilgrimage and devotion to relics, which directly 
affected charity. An indulgence was offered to penitents 
visiting Yarmouth hospital and the sacred relics therein 
and giving a helping hand to the poor inhabitants. The 
Maison Dieu at Dunwich possessed a holy cross of great 
reputation "whither many resorted to adore it, who 
bestowed much alms." When the precious relic was 
carried away and detained " by certain evil-wishers" con- 
nected with St. Osith's Abbey, the inmates were greatly 
impoverished.' The abbot having been prosecuted, came 
into chancery in person and rendered the cross to the king, 
who restored it to the master and brethren ' ' to remain in the 
hospital for ever." Holy Cross, Colchester, claimed to 
keep a portion of the true Cross ; an indulgence was offered 
by various bishops to those paying pilgrimage visits and 
contributing to the hospital. (See pp. 248-9.) 

' Prynne, Usurpation of Popes, p. 1137, and Close 34 Edw. I, m. i. 



PLAfli XXII 




HOSPITAL FUNDS 191 

Other treasures visited by pilgrims were of a more 
personal character. Anthony a Wood found records of 
choice things formerly preserved in St. Bartholomew's, 
Oxford, whereby it was enriched: — "they were possest 
of St. Edmund the Confessor's combe, St. Barthelmew's 
skin, the bones of St. Stephen, and one of the ribbes of 
St. Andrew." The first and foremost of the sacred relics 
was evidently a personal possession of the local saint, 
Archbishop Edmund Rich, a native of Abingdon : — 
"Those that were troubled with continuall headaches," 
(University students, perhaps) "frenzies, or light-headed, 
were by kembing their heads with St. Edmund's combe 
restored to their former health." On high days and holy 
days these treasures were exposed to view in the chapel. 
(PI. XXII.) They were of so great value that the authori- 
ties of Oriel College, having acquired the patronage, 
appropriated them, "which caused great complaints from 
these hospitalliers." 

The alms of pilgrims and other travellers were a 
valuable asset in the funds, for it was customary for those 
so journeying to spend much in charity by the way. On 
the penitential pilgrimage of Henry II to Canterbury 
(1174) "as he passed on his way by chapels and hospitals 
he did his duty as a most devout Christian and son of 
Holy Church by confession of sin and distribution of 
offerings and gifts."' Halting at Harbledown he left the 
sum of forty marks, probably because the hospital 
belonged to the bereaved archbishopric. Long after- 
wards, another king — John of France — passed along the 
road, leaving at sundry hospitals a substantial proof 
of his gratitude for release from captivity. Among his 

^ Chron. and Mem., 67, i. 487. 



192 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

expenses are included gifts to " les malades de 4 
maladeries depuis Rocestre jusques a Cantoberie, pour 
aumosne"; also to the communities of St. James', St. 
John's at the Northgate, St. Mary's, and Harbledown, 
and to the brethren of Ospringe ; whilst the king gave 
as much as twenty nobles to the Maison Dieu, Dover, 




28. A HOSPITAL ALMS-BOX 



where he was received as a guest.^ Situated close to the 
highway, on the hill which eager travellers were about to 
climb to catch their first sight of the grand tower of 
Canterbury, the Harbledown lepers benefited by the gifts 
of pilgrims for three and a half centuries. Treasured in 
the hospital (PL V) was a relic of "the glorious martyr" 
to whose shrine they wended. "This fragment of his 

^ Soc. de I'Histoire de France, 185 1, p. 194. 



HOSPITAL FUNDS 193 

shoe supports this little community of poor men," says 
Ogygius in the Colloquy on Pilgrimages^ where Erasmus 
describes his visit to Canterbury with Dean Colet some- 
time before the year 1519. Shortly after leaving the 
cit}', where the road becomes steep and narrow, there is, 
he says, a hospital of a few old men. One of the brethren 
runs out, sprinkles the travellers with holy water, and 
presently offers them the upper part of a shoe, set with 
a piece of glass resembling a jewel. This the strangers 
are invited to kiss. (Bale satirizes this custom where he 
says, "here ys the lachett of swett seynt Thomas shewe.") 
Colet is indignant, but Erasmus, to appease the injured 
brother, drops a coin into his alms-box. The quaint old 
box is still kept at Harbledown, and is figured above. 

' Pilgrimages of Walsingham and Canterbury — Ed. Nichols, 1849, p. 63. 



CHAPTER XIV 
RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 

"As to other hospitals, ivhich he of another foxindation and patronage than of 
the King, the Ordinaries shall cuqture of the manner of the foundation, 
estate and governa7tce of the same . . . and make thereof correction and 
reformation according to the laws of Holy Church, as to them belongeth." 

(Parliament of Leicester.) 

ATTENTION having been already called to the in- 
, ternal constitution of hospitals, we must now con- 
sider their relation to those in authority. The 
position of such a house was necessarily complicated ; 
there arose a difficulty in reconciling its subordinate, yet 
partly independent character. We must see, first, how 
its welfare depended to a certain extent on king and 
bishop ; secondly, its position with regard to the parochial 
system ; and thirdly, how far it was affected by monas- 
ticism. 

(i) RELATIONS WITH THE KING AND THE BISHOP 

The hospitals of England have never been exclusively 
in the hands of Church or State. The relations which 
they bore to each may be subdivided under the headings 
of Constitution, Jurisdiction and Finance. 

(a) Constitution. — As we have seen, the Church, usually 
represented by the diocesan bishop, was responsible for 
the rule and statutes by which a hospital was guided. 

(b) Jurisdiction. — In the province of administration, 
visitation and reform, king and bishop played their respec- 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 195 

tive parts. Speaking generally, the bishop was adminis- 
trator, and the king protector ; to the former, matters of 
religious observance andconductwere referred, to the latter, 
questions of temporal privilege, immunity from taxation, 
etc. Both had rights as " visitors." Faithfully conducted, 
ecclesiastical visitation might be of great use, but owing to 
the huge extent of dioceses, it was infrequent and in- 
adequate, and where the king was patron, the diocesan 
bishop's visitation was prohibited. Under Henry HI, 
the royal almoner undertook the keeping of Crown 
hospitals, but afterwards this duty fell to the Chancellor, 
who alone had the right of visitation ; the diocesan bishop 
had no jurisdiction in such houses except by special 
arrangement, as in the Statute directing that ordinaries 
"by virtue of the king's commission to them directed" 
shall take inquisitions and return them into chancery. 
Royal interposition was not customary unless the king 
were patron ; thus an order to inquire into waste at certain 
hospitals was cancelled because the king had erred in 
believing that they were founded by his progenitors. 
When investigations were commanded, they were com- 
mitted to a local jury, who were to find by inquisition on 
oath of the good men of the county how far rules had 
been observed, and they possessed full power "to deal 
with the hospital as well in the head as in the mem- 
bers." Detailed accounts of such special visitations may 
be found among Chancery Miscellanea in the Record 
Office. 

(c) Finance. — The Lateran Council of 1179 decreed that 
leper-communities should not pay tithe from gardens and 
orchards, nor of the increase of cattle, and this was ratified 
in the Provincial Council of Westminster in 1200, The 



196 MEDI/I'VAL IIOSIMTAI.S ()I< l<:N(n>ANI) 

Cluirch wished to go a step further and ordain that ncitiier 
lazar-house, Domus Dei nor poor hosjiital siiould pay 
taxes, which was set forlii by Gr('f^ory X ; entries upon 
Papal Registers in 1278 declare; that <;ertain iCnglisii 
houses, including Ospringe, should share this immunily. 
But the decree; was not necessarily accepted in England, 
remission of taxation being a royal prta-ogative ; ()spring(; 
was a Crown hospital to which (;x(;mption was renewed 
from time U) time of the king's grace. In thi; cases of 
lazar-houses, a curious distinction was made, witnessing 
incidentally to natic^nal independence -"And let not the 
goods of l(;pers be taxed where they are governed by 
a leper" {par Sovenyii mcsciil). This rule occurs in the 
First Statute of Westminster (3 Edw. I),' and afterwards 
in rolls and writs dated 1297, 1307, (;Lc.'-' It was evidently 
in allusion to this custom that, in remitting a wool-tax, it 
is stated that St. Bartholomew's, Rochester, was governed 
by a leprous prior (1342), but a few years later the king 
granted it freedom from taxation for ev(;r. Many houses 
were freed by charter from local and gen(;ral contributions 
and tolls. 

Land-tenure may be included under finance. Beftjre 
the enactment of the Statute Dc l\clii:;i()sis, benefactors 
met with no hindrance in promoting any plan for endow- 
ment, but after 1279 permission was sought "to alienate 
land in mortmain." On payment of a small fine, com- 
munities were empowered to accept property to a certain 
value. This developed into the "licence to found" 
named in fourteenth-century rolls, and subsitfjuently into 
incorporation. 

' c;iiroii. & Mem,, 72, Kct;. Miitini's. i. 2t,z. 

2 I'jU. 25 ImJw. I, pt. ii. m. 11 ; KolK of l':irl. I, 2y)h. 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 197 

(ii) RELATIONS WITH THE PARISH PRIEST 

Before the foundation of a hospital chapel, special per- 
mission was required from the bishop, with a guarantee 
that it should not interfere with the parochial system. It 
was necessary clearly to define privileges, lest friction 
should arise. Grants in civil and ecclesiastical registers 
include "a chapel, bell and chaplain," oblations, sepul- 
ture and "the cure of souls." 

(a) Oblations. — One quarter of the offerings received at 
St. Katharine's, Ledbury, was reserved for parochial use. 
Unless some definite scheme was arranged, disputes 
quickly arose. A serious collision of interests occurred at 
Brough. The tiny hostel, founded with the sanction of 
bishop and archbishop (1506), developed into a pilgrim- 
age-place. The injured vicar, with solemn ritual, cursed 
with bell, book and candle all concerned with such obla- 
tions as were made in the chapel. The founder, however, 
called forth upon his parson the archbishop's censure "as 
an abandoned wretch and inflated with diabolical venom 
for opposing so good a work." The priest in turn 
appealed to the Pope. At length it was agreed that 10s. 
yearly should be paid to the mother-church. ^ 

(b) Public and private Worship, Bells, etc. — Agreements 
as to public worship on certain occasions were made 
between the parish and institutions within its boundary. 
The biographer of the Berkeley family, quoting from the 
episcopal register (1255), records: — 

"That all the seculars in the hospitall of Longbridge, except- 
inge a Cooke, and one person to kepe sick folkes, should in the 
spetiall solemne dayes, come to Berkeley Church and there 

' Nicolson and Burn, Antiq. of Westmorland, ed. 1777, i. 574. 



198 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



should receive all the ecclesiasticall Sacraments, (except holy 
bread and holy water) unles it bee by the dispensation and 
leave of the Vicar of Berkeley. "^ 

To infringe such rules meant trouble. One Easter 
(1439), the chaplain of St. Leonard's, Leicester, permitted 

two of the warden's servants 
to receive the Sacrament from 
him there, instead of repairing 
to the parish church ; but the 
following Sunday he was 
forced to do public penance. 

The curious restriction of 
repeating divine service with 
closed doors and in an under- 
tone was made at St. John's, 
Nottingham, when the pat- 
ronal feasts were being cele- 
brated in the parish. The 
rule for ordinary days was that 
of St. James' near Canterbury 
(1414), namely, that the can- 
onical hours be said audibly 
after the sounding of the 
handbells or bells according 








to ancient custom. 

The possession of a bell in 
a turret required a special 
licence, lest outside worship- 
pers should attend. A chapel 
being added to St. Mary 
Magdalene's, Bristol (1226), the stipulation was made 

' J. Smyth, Lives ofBerkeleys, i. 70. 



29. GLASTONBURY 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 199 

" but the leprous women shall have no bells except hand- 
bells, and these shall not be hung up." It was agreed at 
Portsmouth (1229) that the two bells in God's House 
should not exceed the weight of those of the parish 
church, and should only ring at set hours. The Annals 
of Dunstable Monastery show how important the matter 
was considered : — 

" In the same year (1293) the lepers of Dunstaple set up a 
mighty bell outside the precincts of their house on two timbers ; 
but the prior . . . brought that bell within our jurisdiction ; 
which afterwards he restored to them yet so that they should 
by no means use that or any other bell for calling together our 
parishioners or other people." 

(c) Burial Rights. — The privilege of sepulture rendered 
the community more independent, and secured to it 
certain fees and legacies. A popular institution like 
St. Leonard's, York, or St. John's, Exeter, derived benefits 
from the burial of benefactors. There is a will entered 
on the Patent Roll of 1341 whereby a certain Vincent de 
Barnastapolia requested to be interred in the cemetery 
of St. Mark's, Bristol, to which house he left a consider- 
able legacy.^ The conferring or denial of a place of 
sepulture seems to have been without rule, and was a 
matter of favour and circumstance. Thus St. Oswald's, 
Worcester, had a cemetery (probably because it was 
originally a leper-house), whilst St. Wulstan's had 
none. 

(d) Worship and Burial of Lepers. — To lepers both 
chapel and graveyard were willingly granted. This was 
an early custom in England, as the Norman architecture 
of several chapels shows (e.g. Rochester, circa 1 100). The 

^ Pat. 15 Edw. Ill, pt. i. m. 14. 



200 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Gloucester lazars were granted burial rights before i i6o, 
when they already possessed a chapel, the chancel of 
which still stands ; the bishop's licence made the usual 
stipulation that none but lepers should be interred. ^ A 
fresh impetus was given to spiritual provision for outcasts 
by the Lateran Council of 1179. Pope Alexander III 
decreed as follows : — 

"Seeing that it is very remote from Christian piety that 
those who seek their own and not the things of Jesus Christ 
do not permit lepers ... to have churches or burial places 
of their own, nor to be assisted by the ministry of a priest 
of their own, we ordain that these lepers be permitted to have 
the same without any contradiction." 

This privilege, it was declared, must not be prejudicial to 
the rights of ancient churches. 

Digressing from the immediate subject of spiritual 
provision for the outcast, one point must be made clear. 
It is sometimes thought that the strict parochial discipline 
of mediaeval England would insist upon the attendance 
of the leper at his parish church on certain occasions ; 
others on the contrary suppose that the leper was ex- 
communicate. The popular belief is that the Church 
provided for his worship the so-called "leper's window," 
frequently shown in old edifices. The existence of low- 
side-windows at such places as Bridgnorth and Spondon, 
where there were leper-colonies, is considered circum- 
stantial evidence of their origin and purpose. But 
name and idea alike are of entirely modern growth, 
arising from a misinterpretation of a wall-painting at 
Windsor, which Mr. Street took to represent the com- 

^ Chron. and Mem., 33, i. 147. ii. 7. 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 201 

municating of a leper through an aperture. Administra- 
tion would haye been both difficult and irreverent ; the 
opening, moreover, is often so situated that any such act 
would be physically impossible. A manuscript chronicle, 
indeed, records how Blase Tupton, who was dwelling 
near St. Chad's, Shrewsbury, about the year 1409, had a 
gallery made so that she might join in public worship : — 

" Blase . . . cam by chance to be a leeper, and made the 
oryell which goythe allong the west side of the churche-yarde, 
throughe which she cam aloft to heare serveys throughe a 
doore made in the churche wale, and so passyd usually uppon 
the leades unto a glasse wyndowe, throughe which she dayly 
sawe and hard dayly serveys as longe as shee lyvyd. " ^ 

Now Blase was doubtless a privileged person, being the 
daughter of the well-known townsman who had founded 
the almshouse adjoining St. Chad's ; and though now 
and again a lazar might make his way to a churchyard to 
gaze upon the holy mysteries, it is certain that only those 
living in a community with a chapel and priest could be 
confessed and receive the Blessed Sacrament. Most 
antiquaries are of opinion that the popular theory of the 
object of lowside-windows is untenable. 

Careful provision was made for the religious observ- 
ances of the untainted inmates of a hospital as well as for 
the leprous. They might use the chapel except on the 
greater festivals when they were required to attend the 
parish church and make oblations there. At St. Mary 
Magdalene's, Bristol, the infected confessed to their 
chaplain, but the rest to the parish priest. No parishioner 
of Bedminster might attend the chapel on Sundays or 

' Owen and Blakeway, Hist, of Shrewsbury, 1825, ii. p. 257. 



202 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

festivals to receive the blessed bread and holy water, the 
distribution of which to other than inmates would in- 
fringe parochial rights.^ It was provided by the founder's 
statutes at Sherburn that on Sundays the lepers should 
receive "the sprinkling of holy water, blessed bread, and 
other things which are fitting." 

(e) Free Chapels. — These were "places of worship 
exempted from all relation to the mother church and also 
from episcopal jurisdiction, an exemption which was an 
equivocal privilege, obtained immediately from the 
Crown, or appended to ancient manors originally belong- 
ing to the Crown. "2 St. John's, Oxford, was a privileged 
proprietary chapel. The king withheld the right of 
visitation from the bishop of the diocese, who, in turn, 
seems to have refused to sanction and consecrate a grave- 
yard. Henry III called in the Roman Pontiff to arbi- 
trate ; whereupon "the pope at the instance of the king 
commanded the Bishop of Lincoln to provide a burial 
ground for the hospital of Oxford, for the brethren of the 
hospital and for the poor dying therein, the indemnity of the 
mother church and of the king as patron being provided 
for."^ The kings contrived to evade the Bishop of Lin- 
coln's rightful authority. Edward I wrote to request 
Bishop Giffard of Worcester to confer holy orders upon a 
brother "because the same hospital is the king's free chapel 
where the diocesan ought to exercise no jurisdiction." 
The Close Roll of 1304 emphasizes the fact that the house 
was wholly independent and therefore "quit of payments, 
procurations and other exactions of the ordinary."* 

' Chron. and Mem., 97, p. 173. 

^ Chetham Soc. F. R. Raines, Lancashire Cha?itries. 

^ Pat. 22 Edw. I, m. 3. 

* Close 32 Edw. I, m. 2 d. 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 203 

A few royal hospitals were subordinate to the Crown 
and the papal see. That of Basingstoke, with its "free 
chapel of the king ", was granted immunity from epis- 
copal control by Cardinal Ottobon (1268). The Maison 
Dieu, Dover, was taken under immediate papal protection 
by a bull of Nicholas III (1277). A unique case occurs 
where the lay founder of an almshouse at Nottingham 
gained for it freedom from the jurisdiction of the ordinary 
or judges, and subjection alone "to St. Peter and the 
Apostolic See " (1402).! 

(f) '■^ The Cure of Souls." — Whereas the "free chapel" 
had no parochial obligations, there were hospital churches 
to which full parochial rights were attached. How or 
why such houses as St. Paul's, Norwich, and Armiston 
came to possess "the cure of souls" is uncertain; the 
little chapel of St. Mary Magdalene, Durham (now a 
ruin), was also a rectorial parish church. More curious is 
the fact that several leper-hospitals acquired this peculiar 
advantage. Thus in Northampton, although St. John's 
was "no parish church, but only for the company there 
inhabiting," St. Leonard's was a "liberty" having 
parochial rights, not only of burial, but of Baptism. St. 
Nicholas', York, required as master, " a fit clerk who 
shall be able to answer for the cure of souls belonging to 
the parish church of that hospital." The Lincoln leper- 
house had similar rights. 

(g) Almslwuses and the Parish Church. — Many of the 
later almshouses were closely connected with the parish. 
At Ewelme, for example, the almsmen resorted to the 
church constantly, and their presence was regarded as so 
important that even absence on pilgrimage was depre- 

^ Cal. Pap. Reg', vol. v. p. 489. 



204 MEDIEVAL HOSPITAI^S OF ENGLAND 

cated. Those institutions which had no chaplain of their 
own were brought into close touch with the parish priest, 
as at Croydon, where the poor men went every day to the 
church to "here all manner divine service there to be 
songe and saide." 

(h) Collegiate Foundations. — Several large almshouses 
possessed collegiate rights or formed part of a college 
(e.g. St. Mary's, Leicester; Shrewsbury, Tong, Heringby).' 
Sometimes, as at Higham Ferrers, there existed side by 
side a parish church, a bede-house for pensioners, and a 
college for the priests and clerks. 

(iii) RELATIONS WITH MONK, KNIGHT AND FRIAR 

Inquiry must now be made concerning the relation 
between hospitals and monastic life. Although the reli- 
gious orders directly influenced certain houses, others 
were totally unconnected with them. Canon Raine says 
that St. Leonard's, York, was more of a secular than an 
ecclesiastical establishment ; he regards it as principally 
a lay institution, although religion was, of course, a 
strong element in its working. In this hospital "which 
is of no order " (says a Papal Letter, 1429) the master 
might be a layman. 

I. The Monastic Orders 

Here it must be borne in mind that we have nothing to 
do with the infirmary and guest-house within conventual 
walls. Only such institutions are included as had an 
individual, though it may be subordinate, existence. 
Some hospitals were founded by an abbot or prior ; these 
were chiefly dependent upon the mother-house for staff, 
income, food and clothing ; they had an individual dedica- 



FLATE XXIll 







.M 





ST. JOHN'S HOSPITAL, WII/ION 

(n) SOUTH-EAST VIEW. (/>) NOKTH VIEW 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 205 

tion-name, but often no common seal (e.g. Bury, Peter- 
borough). Others had a more independent existence, as 
indicated by the possession of separate seals (e.g. Read- 
ing, Abingdon). A community which was under the 
direct control of a religious house was of a more monastic 
type than others. There was also the hospital established 
by a private patron, and merely placed under the adminis- 
tration of some monastery ; here the endowment was dis- 
tinct, and the staff might or might not be members of the 
convent. 

It is in truth often difficult to discriminate between 
hospital and priory ; sometimes they are indistinguishable 
in aim and scope. This was especially the case with the 
English Order of St. Gilbert ; the two Gilbertine houses 
at Lincoln and that of Clattercot were actual infirmaries. 
Similarly, several foundations of the Order of the Holy 
Sepulchre were pilgrims' hostels served by a few canons. 
In certain cases hospitals developed into priories, some 
losing their distinctively eleemosynary character (e.g. 
Tandridge, Creak, Cockersand), while in others a mere 
change of name took place, as at Maiden Bradley. In the 
case of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, priory and hospital 
existed side by side, with separate organization, revenue 
and seals. Sometimes the titles were used interchange- 
ably; and at Wilton the "priory" (PI. XXIII) was merely 
a hospital governed by a prior. 

Many institutions observed the Augustinian rule. 
Austin canons, according to Canon Venables, were 
"regular clergy, holding a middle position between 
monks and secular canons, almost resembling a com- 
munity of parish priests living under rule." The five 
largest London infirmaries were served by Augustinians. 



2o6 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Those of St. Thomas', Southwark, dressed after the 
manner of clergy of secular cathedrals and collegiate 
churches. The case of an Augustinian master of St. 
Thomas' shows that constitutions differed widely ; with 
the Bishop of Winchester's consent, he was transferred to 
Sandon hospital (Surrey) ; but being uneasy, he applied 
to the pope for absolution from his vow and sought per- 
mission to live " according to the custom of Sandon." St. 
Bartholomew's was likewise governed by Austin canons 
although a papal document states that it "has not been 
approved by the apostolic see and is not subject to any 
regular order." Elsyngspital was founded for secular 
clergy, but, "taught by experience", regulars were 
substituted within twelve years. Among other Augus- 
tinian houses may be named Newcastle (St. Mary's), Brack- 
ley, Newstead, Bridgwater, Southampton, and Dover. The 
Benedictine rule was followed by the staff of St. Mark's, 
Bristol, Strood, and of course in all hospitals under 
Benedictine monasteries. 

2. The Military Orders 

Of the origin and introduction of these Orders more 
will be said under the heading of St. John Baptist and St. 
Lazarus in Part Two. Here we are rather concerned with 
the relations which existed between the knightly brethren 
and hospitals in general. 

(a) Knights Hospitallers and Templars. — Both Orders 
were the recognized guardians of travellers, and much of 
their work was akin to that of the hospital for wayfarers. 
Thus King Stephen gave the Yorkshire manor of Steynton 
upon Blakhommer to the Master of the Temple: — "to 
find a chaplain to celebrate divine service daily and to 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 207 

receive and entertain poor guests and pilgrims there, and 
to ring and blow the horn every night at dusk lest 
pilgrims and strangers should lose their way." (Richard I 
afterwards re-granted the land to the Hospitallers.)^ 
Similar hospitality was doubtless provided in all com- 
manderies and preceptories. Although these were often 
called "hospitals" (e.g. at Greenham in Berks, Sutton-at- 
Hone, etc.) they are not included among the foundations 
enumerated in this volume. 

Indeed, although these Orders exercised a certain influ- 
ence upon hospitals, there was little actual intercourse. 
St. Cross, Winchester, was originally placed under the 
Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, but the connection was 
of short duration ; the habit and cross worn by the present 
pensioners serve as a reminder of this fact. The patronage 
of St. Saviour's, Stydd by Ribchester, and St. Leonard's, 
Skirbeck, afterwards came into the hands of the Order. 
St. Thomas' hospital in Cheapside was under the 
Templars, but since it was not suppressed with their pre- 
ceptories {circa 1312), it may be classed among independent 
foundations. The full title remained (1340) "the master 
and brethren of the Knights Templars of the Hospital of 
St. Thomas the Martyr of Aeon of Canterbury." It may 
be here observed that the misleading title ' ' Commandery " 
often accorded to St. Wulstan's, Worcester, suggests a 
link with the Knights of St. John which did not exist ; 
although, curiously enough, the masters of both the 
Worcester hospitals were frequently named " preceptor." 

(b) Knights\ofSt. Lazarus. — Although, as has been said, 
commanderies and preceptories proper are not included, 
the leper-hospitals of the Order of St. Lazarus must of 

' Close 14 Edw. Ill, m. 13. 



2o8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



necessity find a place. The principal one was at Burton 
Lazars, founded by a crusading Mowbray. Two important 
hospitals, those of London and Lincoln, were annexed to 
it by Edward I and Henry VI respectively. The staff of 
the former are referred to (1337) as the master and brethren 
of St. Giles of the Order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem in 
England ; soon after it appeared that the master of St. 
Giles' was not carrying out the traditions of the charitable 
Knights, having "ousted the lepers and put in brethren 
and sisters of his Order who were not diseased," It is 
said that all English leper-houses were in some way sub- 
ject to Burton Lazars, but in truth this was not so. It 
was the parent-house of cells at Carlton in Moreland, 
Choseley and Tilton, the property at the former place 
being charged with the support of four lepers, but whether 
maintained there or at Burton Lazars is not stated. 
Spondon (or Locko) was originally subordinate to a French 
house. In time of war, Edward III ordered that the 

money hitherto paid over to the 
foreign superior, should hence- 
forth be given to King's Hall, 
Cambridge (1347). That same 
year the master of Burton was 
also preceptor of "la Maude- 
leyne," Locko. 

(c) Monks of St. Anthony. — 
The Order of St. Anthony was 
likewise an offshoot of that of 
St. John. Two of the hospitals 
in honour of this saint were 
definitely under Antonine monks, viz. London and Here- 
ford. St. Anthony's, London, was frequently called a 




30. SEAL OF ST. ANTHONYS, 
LONDON 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 209 

preceptory. At first it was "alien," subject to the mother- 
house of Vienne, but it afterwards became naturalized. It 
was stated in 1424 that on account of international war and 
of the Schism (i.e. in the Papacy, 1378-1417) few or none of 
the French canons had come to England ; in 1431 a canon 
of Vienne was appointed warden, but was subsequently 
replaced by one of the King's clerks. St. Anthony's, 
York, was independent of the Order. 

(d) '■'■Alien" Hospitals. — There were other hospitals sub- 
ordinate to foreign convents. The Great St. Bernard in 
Savoy established an offshoot at Hornchurch ; Altopassu 
in Italy maintained St. James', Thurlow ; the leper-house 
near Rye was affiliated to Fecamp. Farley, near Luton, 
was under Suntingfield by Boulogne ; the staff were at 
one time brethren of the Order of St. William of the 
Desert.^ The var3'ing fortunes of the hospital near 
Charing Cross may be learnt from Dr. Jas. Galloway's 
Story of St. Maiy Roncevall. Alien houses had a chequered 
history, being confiscated in time of war, and most were 
suppressed before the general Dissolution. 

3. The Friars 

By word and deed, St. Francis preached the duty of 
serving lepers. "He appointed that the friars of his 
Order, dispersed in various parts of the world, should for 
the love of Christ diligently attend the lepers wherever 
they could be found. They followed this injunction with 
the greatest promptitude. "2 In England, however, itwould 
appear that there was not that close association between 

1 Pat. 37 Hen. Ill, m. 17. 

^ Chron. & Mem. 4. Monujnenta Franciscana^ vol. i. p. xxv., from 
" Mirror.' 

'4 



2IO MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

friars and hospitals which existed in Italy. Led by 
national reformers, the work of tending lazars had long 
been carried on. The great majority of refuges for them 
were founded between 1084 and 1224 before the brethren 
arrived in this country. Speaking of the friars' labours, 
Green says that "their first work lay in the noisome lazar- 
houses," and Brewer alludes to "their training for the 
leper-hospitals," but there seems to be little or no definite 
record of such service in this country. There were, 
however, many individual outcasts, who had not the 
comfort of the hospital, and to these the new-comers may 
have ministered. 

A few hospitals — not for lepers — were indeed appro- 
priated to the Mendicant Orders, or served by them. The 
association is of the slightest, and usually of short duration. 
Thus the Bamburgh spital had probably disappeared when 
Richard II gave its chapel to the Friars Preachers, "in 
part remuneration for a cross made from the wood of the 
Holy Cross presented by them to the king " (1382). The 
Crutched Friars once had some connection with Holy 
Cross, Colchester. The relation between hospitals and 
the Bethlehemite and Maturin Orders was closer, and 
dated from the friars' first century of work. St. Mary of 
Bethlehem in London was founded upon land belonging 
to that community, members of which were its original 
officials. Deeds of 1348 call them "the Order of the 
Knighthood of St. Mary of Bethlehem " ; possibly the 
link with the Holy Land led them to adopt this military 
title. Maturin or Trinitarian houses were more akin to 
the infirmary and pilgrim-hostel than were any other 
friaries ; one-third of their revenue was spent in relieving 
local poor. Their houses (often called "hospitals") are 



RELATIONS WITH CHURCH AND STATE 211 

not included in the present volume, save when they were 
not merely friaries. For example, Stephen, Archdeacon 
of Wilts, who was rector and patron of Easton Royal, 
founded there a house for indigent travellers (1246).^ The 
master was a Trinitarian brother, but he was presented by 
the patron, to whom he and the other priests owed 
obedience ; in 1287 the same man was minister of Easton 
and of the house of St. Mary Magdalene by Hertford. 
St. Laurence's, Crediton, was served by the Hounslow 
Maturin convent. The almsmen of God's House, 
Donnington, worshipped in the adjacent Trinitarian 
Chapel. 

To recapitulate : the hospital was a semi-independent 
institution, subject to royal and episcopal control in 
matters of constitution, jurisdiction and finance, yet less 
trammelled in organization than most religious houses. It 
formed a part of the parochial system, and had also links 
of one kind and another with monastic life. 

^ Chron. and Mem., 97, pp. 301-6. 



CHAPTER XV 
DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 

"Many hospitals . . . be now for the most part decayed, and the goods and 
profits of the same, by divers persons, spiritual and temporal, withdrawn 
and spent to the use of others, whereby many men and women have died 
in great misery for default of aid, livelihood and succour." 

SUCH is the preamble to the Statute for the reforma- 
tion of hospitals (1414). Responsibility for use and 
abuse rested with the patron, but more immediately 
with the warden into whose hands he committed the 
administration. If this chapter is necessarily devoted to 
the seamy side of hospital life, let no one suppose that 
officials were all bad, or even all careless. There were 
men "in whose purity of conscience the king confides," 
chosen for "probity, character and knowledge." Yet 
upright, thrifty and faithful wardens were far from com- 
mon, and it does not sound hopeful when one and another 
was appointed "during good behaviour." 

Abuses by Patrons. — On the whole hospitals were well- 
treated by their patrons. Their first founders especially 
showed both generosity and care, but in many cases the 
descendants became indifferent and neglected that careful 
selection of wardens which would have done much to 
avert evils. But one of the outstanding grievances against 
patrons was their claim to " maintenance " free of charge 
whenever they desired it. They and the official "visitors" 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 213 

sometimes used these institutions as hostelries for them- 
selves and their retinue. In the regulations of St. John's, 
Bridgwater (1219), which the bishop drew up for the 
manorial lord, it is said: — "We expressly forbid that 
either the rich or powerful, whether of diocesan rank or 
ordinary people, or the ministers and stewards of the 
patron, should lodge, sojourn or be entertained and be a 
burden." It was rather to be a Domus libera Dei, founded 
only for the poor of Christ. The kings exercised their 
right to lodge at the Maison Dieu, Dover (see Frontis- 
piece), on their journeys to France. The hospital made a 
complaint, however, when Edward, eldest son of Edward I, 
was suddenly lodged there with the chancellor and their 
suite by the marshal of the household. 

The "corrody " was an even greater, because a perma- 
nent, burden. The privilege of board and lodging was 
frequently given away by patrons as a reward for service, 
but sometimes it was created by grant of the community 
itself, or sold by greedy officials. This grievance marks 
a period of decline. Whereas Henry III pensioned his 
nurses from the Exchequer, Edward I imposed upon 
hospitals the maintenance of old servants of the Crown, 
sending a former damsel of the queen-mother and her 
man-servant to Ospringe to be maintained for life. He 
appointed only to houses of royal foundation, but his son 
went further, demanding admission, for example, to the 
episcopal hospital at Worcester. Caring little that Bishop 
Wulstan was the founder, Edward II declares that "the 
hospitals in the realm were founded by the king's pro- 
genitors for the admission of poor and weak persons, and 
especially of those in the king's service who were unable 
to work." An order is sent to Oxford to admit the king's 



214 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

chaplain to St. John's, finding him and his clerk food, 
drink, robes, shoe-leather, wood, litter, and a fitting 
dwelling-place. The Statute of 1314-15 condemned the 
tyrannous practice of burdening religious houses in this 
manner. 

Edward III was checked in the first year of his reign 
by a more forcible enactment entitled, "There shall be 
no more grants of Corrodies at the King's Requests." 
It states that many have been hitherto grieved by such 
requests "which have desired them by great threats, 
for their clerks and other servants, for great pensions 
and corrodies." Edward declares that he "will no more 
such things desire, but where he ought " ; and hence- 
forth letters patent of this character are less numerous. 
Where the demand was considered unjust, resentment 
sometimes took the form of violence. Thus in 1341 the 
master of St. John's, Oxford, with eight men, assaulted 
and imprisoned a certain Alice Fitz-Rauf; they carried 
her off by night with veiled face, threw her into a filthy 
place, and so left her, having taken away the writ re- 
questing her reception into the hospital. More often a 
mild protest was made by officials; they acquiesce "of 
mere courtesy," but beg to be excused in future. For- 
getting that the courtesy of one generation may be the 
custom of the next, the much-abused York hospital sub- 
mits (1331) provided the demand shall not form a prece- 
dent. Fifty years later, a strong-minded master of that 
house refuses to admit a man at King Richard's command, 
replying that it was "founded for the bed-ridden and 
not for the able-bodied." 

Cases of oppression " by divers persons spiritual and 
temporal " are recorded. Even the mitred abbot of St. 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 215 

Albans was more than once at fault. In 1223 the pope 
commanded him not to lay burdens on the leper women 
of St. Mary's by virtue of patronage ; and an early 
Chancery Proceeding shows that another abbot had 
oppressed the poor sick brethren and feeble folk of St. 
jKilian's. The Rolls of Parliament reveal that an abbot 
of Colchester {temp. Edward I) withheld the accustomed 
pension and tithe from " les povere freres malades " of 
St. Mary Magdalene's ; by cunning and force he abstracted 
their common seal and muniments, and flung their 
charters into the fire. At Durham the inmates of St. 
Mary Magdalene's begged redress of grievances {temp. 
Edward II). Some previous almoner of the priory, they 
declared, had defrauded them of food and clothing ; he 
had even obtained their muniments by bribing the 
guardian with the gift of a fur cloak. The prior and 
convent, however, endorse the petition : " but be it known 
that this complaint does not contain truth for the most 
part."i 

Monastic houses were not as zealous as formerly in the 
service of the needy. The great abbey of St. Augustine, 
Canterbury, had built and maintained the daughter 
hospital of St. Laurence ; but in 1341 this is declared to 
be of a foundation so weak that it falls very far short of 
what is sufficient for their sustenance. The lay patron of 
West Somerton leper-house entrusted its custody to 
Butley Priory on condition that the usual number of in- 
mates were maintained. A later prior withdrew the 
victuals and reduced the revenue from ^60 to 10 marks, 
until after twenty years of neglect, it was said (1399) " the 
place where the hospital of old time was is now desolate." 

^ Surtees Soc. , 95, p. 238. 



2i6 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Reading Abbey, which once cherished its charitable 
institutions, treated them ill in later days. When Edward 
IV travelled through the town (1479), wrongs were 
reported to him, including " howsys ofalmes not kept" ; 
the abbot had appropriated the endowments and destroyed 
the buildings. The prior and convent of Worcester them- 
selves suppressed St. Mary's, Droitwich, in 1536, and 
"expelled the poor people to their utter destruction." 

Contention about patronage was another very serious 
evil, causing continual litigation. The representatives of 
the first founder, and those of subsequent benefactors, fell 
out as to their respective claims. The Crown was ever 
ready to usurp patronage, on plea of foundation, ward- 
ship, voidance of See, etc. Thus from generation to 
generation, St. Leonard's, York, was claimed by the 
Crown, whereas much of its property had been a gift to 
the clergy of the minster by Saxon and Norman sovereigns. 
A jury of 1246 decided in favour of the Dean and Chapter 
against royal patronage, but subsequently the Crown 
recovered it once more. 1 Such disputes were not limited 
to words. The See of Winchester being void, Edward II 
nominated a warden to St. Cross, afterwards declaring 
that he had recovered the presentation against the bishop. 
The writ was seized and the arm of the king's messenger 
was broken in the contest. The practice of keeping 
important posts unfilled was another abuse. A petition 
made in Parliament concerning this evil (1314-15)^ main- 
tained that hospitals were impoverished and destroyed 
during vacancy by temporary guardians, in reply to 
which, remedy was promised. The warden of St. 

^ Chron. and Mem., 71, iii. 162-5. 
- Rot. Pari., i. 303. 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 217 

Nicholas', Pontefract (in Queen Philippa's patronage), 
complained that during the last voidance, goods had been 
lost to the value of ^200. 

Patrons neglected personal supervision. The founders 
of Ewelme inserted in the statutes one clause concerning 
the imperative duty of visitation by their representatives ; 
for, in their experience : — 

" Diuerse places of almesse had been yfounded of grete pite 
and deuocion to be rewled by many ryght resonable rewlis and 
statutis . . . yitte for defaute of dew execucion of the same and 
of dew uisitacion and correccion of the brekers of them such 
sede howses haue bene by myslyuyng and negligence ybought 
to grete heuynesse and at the last to grete desolacon." 

Abuse by Wardens and Officials. — Doubtless wardens 
were responsible for the chief part of maladministration. 
Misrule by incapable and untrustworthy men was as fre- 
quent as it was fatal. The masters and their deputies had 
not the moral qualities of wisdom and honesty to fit 
them for so difficult a post. Master Hugh, warden of 
St. John and St. Thomas' at Stamford, reduced it to such 
a condition that he petitioned for liberty to resign (1299). 
The abbot of Peterborough committed it to a neighbour- 
ing rector until "through the blessing of God its most 
high guardian, it shall arrive at a more flourishing estate." 
After four months, however, Hugh was restored to office, 
and matters became worse. He defrauded the poor of 
their alms, locked up the rooms where strangers and sick 
should have been accommodated, and neglected the 
chapel. Meanwhile the mild abbot died ; a new superior 
interfered and Hugh was again deposed. But having 
enlisted the mediation of the bishop and archdeacon, he, 
after a solemn oath of "reformation of all my excesses," 



2i8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

was actually entrusted for the third time with the warden- 
ship.i 

A more interesting figure is the incorrigible Thomas 
de Goldyngton — warden of St. Nicholas', Carlisle, and St. 
Leonard's, Derby — who appears upon the roll as a flagrant 
offender, although a keen medical man. In 1341 he is 
perilously near forfeiting his Crown appointments 
for acting as leech to Scottish rebels ; in 1348 he 
"exercises the office of the surgery of the common- 
alty [of Derby], neglects the duties of the warden- 
ship and has dissipated and consumed the goods 
and alienated the lands to the great decay of the 
hospital." Thomas had been previously warned after 
sundry visitations, for instance (1343): "the king com- 
mands the master at his peril to observe all the rules, 
constitutions and ordinances of the hospital [Carlisle] in 
their entirety." ^ It seems doubtful whether this energetic 
person ever became an exemplary house-surgeon and 
physician at that medijeval royal infirmary of Derby. 

The staff like the warden defied authority, as is shown 
by visitation reports. The brethren and sisters of St. 
Nicholas', York, were cross-questioned by the jury. The 
general evidence was that they were living as they 
pleased, carrying on business,- omitting services, and 
wandering. The sisters mostly confessed to knowing 
nothing, but one deposed that the brethren were dis- 
obedient; whilst the chaplain reported that "all are 
disobedient and do not observe humility." ^ 

Community life was doubtless trying to the temper, 
and there were occasionally disturbances serious enough 

' Peck, Annals of Stanford, ix. 32. ^ Pat. 17 Edw. Ill, pt. i. m. 25 rf. 

' Yorks. Arch. Assn. Record Series, xxiii. Inq. ii. p. 123 et sq. 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 219 

to reach the king's ears. Throughout the reign of 
Edward II, the name of Nicholas de Staple occurs 
periodically on Close Rolls. Brother Nicholas first 
appears as an official of the Maison Dieu, Ospringe, 
who had become intolerable to his fellows. The king, 
in response to an appeal, orders him to transfer himself 
promptly to St. John's, Oxford, to remain until further 
notice : "the king wishing to avoid damages and dangers 
and dilapidations of the goods of the hospital that, it is 
feared, will arise if Nicholas remain there any longer, on 
account of the dissensions between him and the other 
brethren." The disturber of the peace retires from parch- 
ment publicity for thirteen years, when an order is sent 
to retain him for life as a chaplain-brother. Finally, 
after a visit of twenty years to Oxford (whither he was 
"lately sent to stay for some time"), the life-sentence is 
remitted, and he is allowed to return to Ospringe. Two 
years before Nicholas vanishes, Oxford becomes a re- 
formatory for another Ospringe brother, Thomas Urre, 
whom the king caused to be amoved on account of bad 
conduct, and because he excited all manner of disputes. 
Small wonder that a subsequent visitation of St. John's 
should reveal misrule, dissolute living, disobedient and 
quarrelsome brothers, sisters and ministers. 

A few years later, the household at Newton in Holder- 
ness is in a like condition, witness the following entry : — 

" Commission ... to make inquisition and certify the king 
whether, as he is informed, William LuUeman, chaplain, (who 
pretends to be deaf and for that cause has at the king's request 
been admitted to his hospital of Newton to have his sustenance 
there,) is sometimes lunatic and mad, and daily stirs up 
dissension between the brothers and sisters of the hospital, and 



220 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

so threatens them and the poor residing- there, and bears him- 
self so importunately that he cannot have his conversation 
among the master and brethren, nor can the brethren and 
sisters live in peace while he is conversant among them."^ 

The offender was then removed, but imagine with what 
feelings the warden of Newton received the king's 
messenger four years later, and unfastening the roll read 
as follows : — 

"To the master and brethren, etc. Request to admit 
William LuUeman of Bernleye, chaplain, who is detained by 
severe sickness, and to give him maintenance for life. "^ 

Edward III, wishing to guard against the reception of 
unworthy men, forbade the master of Ospringe to admit 
any brother without special orders ; and he removed one 
for notorious excesses and disobediences.^ St. Thomas', 
Birmingham, was found in a miserable plight, because 
"vile reprobates assumed the habit that they might 
continue their abominable lives stcb velamine Religiositatis , 
and then forsake it, and cause themselves to be called 
hermits." ^ No clerk could be ordained without a " title," 
but hospitals were apt to offer this to unproved persons, 
which was fatal to the tone of the household. St. John's, 
Ely, was usually governed by clergy under rule, but 
in 1454 the Bishop of Dunkeld was collated to the master- 
ship, because no regulars could be found capable of effect- 
ing its recovery from ruin and wretchedness. 

The decline of hospitals was largely owing to the fact 
that many wardens were non-residents and pluralists. 
It was actually possible to represent one as having died ; 

' Pat. 16 Edw. Ill, pt. ii. m. 22c;?. Close 20 Edw. Ill, pt. i. m. i^d. 

^ Close 6 Edw. Ill, m. 291^. 

^ Lichfield Reg , 1344, Wm. Salt, Soc. i. 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 221 

several appointments are revoked because the master is 
discovered to be "alive and well," so that it was by 
"false suggestion that the office was reported as void." 
Meanwhile such men were being supported from the 
hospital funds ; an absentee governor of God's House, 
Southampton, took his share of the best of its goods, 
living at its expense in a private mansion in the country. 
The king nominated to Crown foundations men constantly 
employed on service elsewhere, and a mastership was a 
mere stepping-stone to preferment. 

Not only did clergy hold a benefice and hospital to- 
gether, but sometimes one man held no less than three 
hospitals. About 1350, the " lack of clergy by reason of 
the pestilence " was a serious matter. On this plea the 
Bishop of Winchester appointed his nephew, a youth in 
his eighteenth year, as warden at Portsmouth ; before 
long the latter held also the mastership of St. Cross, an 
archdeaconry, and two canonries. Such practices, begun 
of necessity, were continued in the century of lax 
Church life which followed. "One of the boys of the 
king's chapel " was given the wardenship of Ilford 
hospital in 1405. The mischief that happened through 
the plurality and non-residence of parochial and hospital 
clergy was at length insisted on in Parliament, when in 
response to the petition of the Commons, reformation 
was ordered (1425). St. Nicholas', Pontefract, had 
been "ruled by secular masters, some of whom hardly 
ever went there " ; but in 1438 the management was 
undertaken by the prior of Nostell. 

Dispensations from Rome were answerable for many 
bad appointments, as is shown by entries in the papal 
registers of 1427. The master of Newton Garth, for 



222 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

example, was Thomas Bourgchier — "who is in his 
sixteenth year only, is of a race of great nobles, and 
holds the said hospital, without cure, wont to be assigned 
to secular clerks " ; moreover it was granted that after his 
twentieth year he might hold two houses, resigning or 
exchanging them at will. This youthful official seems to 
have been following in the footsteps of his ambitious 
namesake and contemporary, who secured constant pro- 
motion and finally " wore the mitre full fifty-one years," 
and died Primate and Cardinal. Well might the founders 
of Ewelme almshouse provide that, if possible, the master 
should be "a degreed man passed thirty winters of age." 

Money was at the root of most ill-doing. Among the 
articles concerning ecclesiastical reform set forth by 
Henry V and published by the University of Oxford is 
one (No. 42) De Reforniatione hospitaliiim, stating that 
the poor and needy of the hospitals have been cast out, 
whilst the officials convert the goods to their own purposes. 
The roll of " evil dispenders " is a long one. 

St. Leonard's, York, is a notable example of the reduc- 
tion of income by abuse and misfortune. In Canon 
Raine's lecture upon its history, he gives extracts from 
its account-books, which are here given in brief. The 
receipts for the year 1369-1370 amounted to over £i,Z'o9, 
the expenditure to ;^938. By 1409 the income had fallen 
to £^^6. The number of patients declined proportion- 
ably, falling from 224 in 1370 to 199 in 1377 ; and though it 
rose to 206 in 1423, it was reduced to 127 in 1462. From 
these facts several conclusions are drawn. The industrial 
and self-supporting character of the hospital was relaxed 
because war and pestilence left England shorthanded ; 
land was uncultivated and the hospital lost its thraves of 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 223 

corn. All this is true, but much of the misery lay at the 
door of the wardens. One unscrupulous master made 
500 marks yearly by the traffic in pensions; in 1391 the 
hospital was "charged with corrodies^ sold and given, 
oppressed by the excessive expenditure of its heads, and 
laden with debt, so that its remaining revenues are in- 
sufficient to support master, brethren and sisters or the 
poor and needy inmates, whereby the hospital is threat- 
ened with extinction." On another occasion the poor 
" Cremettes " (as the inmates were called^) made a peti- 
tion to the king because their master had put the chalices 
and ornaments of the hospital in pledge, etc. There are 
preserved in the Record Office a number of documents 
relating to visitations of this house ; these confirm the 
evidence of contemporary Patent Rolls. 

At Gloucester the sale of pensions, jewels, corn, and 
even of beds, is reported ; bed-money was extracted from 
the poor (20^. from one, and 6s. 8d. from another, who 
had lost his legs). Part of St. Bartholomew's was un- 
roofed, pigs had access to it, the inmates lacked food and 
clothing, whilst the utmost depravity prevailed in the 
household (1380). One extravagant warden of God's 
House, Portsmouth, spent eight or nine hundred marks 
yearly, yet kept no hospitality : — 

" butt the master will not obey to that and so seruys the powr 
pepuU at hys pleysure, that ys, with uere cowrse bred and 
smaller drynke, wiche ys contrary to all good consyens." 

When a warden was to be elected to the Maison Dieu, 
Dover (1533), a certain John de Ponte announced to 
Cromwell: — "The master is dead, and a great benefice 

' See p. 213. ' See p. 242. 



224 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

is fallen unto the king, With which you may oblige your 
friends or take it yourself, and I will serve the same." If 
such was the prevalent tone of those in authority, it is 
small wonder that Brinklow wrote about the year 1536 : — 
" I heare that the masters of your hospitals be so fat that 
the pore be kept leane and bare inough." There is 
strong censure upon the administration of the London 
hospitals in the petition for their re-foundation (1538); 
they had been provided to relieve the poor, but " nowe a 
smalle nomber of chanons, preestes and monks be foun- 
den for theyr own synguler proffytt lucre and commodytye 
onely," and these do not regard "the myserable people 
lyeing in the streete offendyng every clene person pass- 
yng by the way." About the year 1536, Robert Copland, 
in The hye way to the Spyttell hons, says .■ — 

" For I haue sene at sondry hospytalles 
That many haue lyen dead without the walles 
And for lacke of socour haue dyed wretchedly 
Vnto your foundacyon I thynke contrary. 
Moche people resorte here and have lodg-yng, 
But yet I maruell greatly of one thyng 
That in the nyght so many lodge without." 

Many charitable institutions were in a languishing 
condition. Some, of course, had never been endowed, 
whilst others had only slender resources. Frequently the 
depreciation in money had caused a shrinkage in a once- 
adequate revenue ;, sometimes the land had been filched 
away by neighbouring landowners. Writing of Sher- 
borne, Leland observes that the almshouse "stondith 
yet, but men get most of the land by pece meales." He 
notes the dilapidated state of houses here and there ; 
at Beverley "ther was an Hospital of St. Nicholas, but 



DECLINE OF THE HOSPITALS 225 

it is dekayid," and at St. Michael's, Warwick, "the 
Buildings of the House are sore decayed." The condition 
of St. John's, Lutterworth, described in the Certificate of 
1545, was such that no hospitality was kept ;i there were 
" noe pore men within the same Hospytal remaynyng or 
inhabityng ; and the house, with the chapel, gretly in 
decaye and ruyne." At Stoke-upon-Trent, it appeared 
that there was a priest called master of St. Loye's 
hospital, but he did not know to what intent or deed 
of charity it was founded. ^ Frequently the possessions 
had dwindled until they barely sufficed to support a 
chaplain, and no charity was distributed. The Certifi- 
cate of St. John's, Calne, states that abuse is apparent, 
because there are no paupers, but all profits go to the 
master ; these, however, only amounted to 66^-. 5^?. St. 
John's, Bedford, was worth 20^-. a year, and "there is 
found neuer a poore person nor hath not ben by the space 
of many yeres." In some cases the foundation had entirely 
dropped out of existence, as at Winchcombe, where Leland 
notes that " now the Name onely of Spittle remaineth." 

The Statute of 1545 stated that it was well known that 
the governors and wardens of hospitals, or the greatest 
number of them, did not exercise due authority nor 
expend the revenues in alms according to the foundation. 
The avowed object of the Act was "to reduce and bring 
them into a more decent and convenient order." 

^ It had been declining' for above a century; a Papal Letter (1435-6) 
states that for fifty years, on account of the diminution of its fruits, etc., 
there were no brethren in the hospital. 

^ Aug. Off., Chantry Certificate 40 (36). 



CHAPTER XVI 

THE DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES AND 
ITS EFFECT UPON HOSPITALS 

" The hospital . . . is Uke to go to utter decay, . . . For 77ty own part I think 
often^ tliat those men ivhich seeli spoil of liospitals . . . did never read 
the tiiyenty -fifth cliapter of Matthew ; for if they did, a7id believed the 
same, how durst they give such adventure P" 

(Archbishop Grindal, letter to Burleigh, 1575.) 

WHEN the Primate wrote thus to the Lord Treasurer, 
he added : — "that if any hospitals be abused (as 
I think some are) it were a more Christian suit to 
seek reformation than destruction." Although the decline 
of some hospitals led to the dissolution of many, it by no 
means follows that such a course was justifiable. 

Speaking generally, charities which had outlived their 
usefulness had already been suppressed before the general 
Dissolution and their property transferred to other pur- 
poses. The leper-houses of Windsor and Huntingdon, 
for example, were evidently deserted and ruinous when 
they were annexed to Colleges at Cambridge (1462) ; and 
the hospitals of Romney, Aynho and Brackley had been 
appropriated to Magdalen College, Oxford (1481-5) 
because they were no longer carrying out the founder's 
intentions. St. John's, Reading, and St. Bartholomew's, 
Bristol, had already been converted into schools, the 
latter as recently as 1532. 

In most of the existing hospitals good work was being 

23$ 



PLATE XXI y 




DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 227 

done ; the Valor Ecclesiasticus and Chantry Surveys show 
that money was expended upon useful charities. Layton's 
report of St. Mary's, Leicester, that it was " well kept 
and honest men therein " was true of many almshouses 
throughout the land. Where evils are complained of, 
they were not so much breaches of morality on the part 
of the household, as neglect and wastefulness in adminis- 
tration. A carefully-regulated commission to inquire 
into matters of finance could well have rectified abuses in 
ill-managed institutions. Had justice and magnanimity 
held sway instead of rapacity and selfishness, the old 
houses of mercy would have been refreshed and their 
utility doubled just when a far wider charity was needful 
on account of the annihilation of benevolent monasteries. 
This was done in some foreign countries. Through the 
protection of Gustavus Vasa, Swedish lazar-houses sur- 
vived the Reformation. In Denmark, Dominican and 
Franciscan friaries were transformed into hospitals, and 
the leper-houses subsequently became places of isolation 
for contagious diseases. In France, where there was no 
ecclesiastical upheaval, decayed hospitals were reformed 
(1545) and put under the control of the bourgeois class 
(1561). 

The various Acts of Henry VIII's reign show that the 
oppression of the poor was not at first intended. The 
Statute for the suppression of vagrancy (1530-1) approved 
the charitable work of hospitals. One clause in that of 
1535-6 required that those who entered into possession of 
the lands of religious houses should provide hospitality 
and service for the poor as of old. In the draft for the bill 
of 1539 the Commons proposed that the greater monas- 
teries not dissolved should build bede-houses in which 



228 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

to maintain for life ten poor men over sixty years of 
age. 

Here, indeed, was a golden opportunity to increase the 
benevolent institutions of the country. Much that was 
becoming useless might have been transformed into a 
great and permanent benefit. Charitable relief might 
have been placed under public control upon a sound 
religious and financial basis. But reformation too often 
proved to be mere destruction, as "Mors" shrewdly 
remarks : — 

" Your pretence of putting downe abbeys, was, to amend 
that was amisse in them. ... It is amended euen as the 
deuell amended his dames legge (as it is in the prouerbe) whan 
he shuld haue set it ryg-ht, he bracke it quyte in peces.''^ 

It is evident that the monastic system had been gradu- 
ally losing its hold on the nation. The idea of partial 
disendowment had also been working in men's minds, no 
one foreseeing that the plunder of rich foundations would 
ultimately lead to the robbery of poor people. In 1410 
the Commons petitioned in the Parliament of Westminster 
that the surplus wealth of ecclesiastics might be trans- 
ferred to other uses, and that destitute persons might 
benefit by the provision of new hospitals. Henry IV 
replied that he would deliberate upon the matter, and 
although no revised appropriation of funds then took 
place, he did afterwards suppress certain alien priories, a 
policy which was followed by Henry V. In 1414 the 
above proposal was renewed in the Parliament of Leicester, 
but the astute Chichele undertook that the clergy should 
supply money for the wars : — "a thrust was made at all 

^ Complaint of Roderyk Mors, ch. xiiij. 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 229 

Abbies," says Fuller, "which this Archbishop, as a 
skilful Fencer, fairly put by." In the following century 
Wolsey, not anticipating the wholesale destruction which 
was to follow, sought to dissolve certain small priories in 
order to assist educational institutions (1523). A con- 
temporary writer observes that by this precedent "he 
did make loose in others the conscience towardes those 
houses." 

The people desired the reformation of hospitals and an 
extension of the system. Sir John Oldcastle's bill in 1414 
proposed the foundation of new institutions each to be 
endowed with one hundred marks yearly. The Commons 
suggested that money now wasted by churchmen might 
maintain a standing army and also suffice to provide : — 

"an hundred houses of alms, to the relief of poor people 
. . . with oversight of two true seculars unto every house. 
And also with provision that every township should keep all 
poor people of their own dwellers, which could not labour for 
their living, with condition that if more fell in a town than 
the town could maintain, then the said almshouses to relieve 
such townships. " ^ 

A similar plan was proposed by Brinklow about the 
year 1542. He probably uttered what was in the minds of 
many when he suggested measures for the re-distribution 
of ecclesiastical wealth. One chapter of his Complaint 
contains "A Godly aduisement howe to bestowe the 
goodes and landes of the Bisshops &c. after the Gospell, 
with an admonytion to the Rulers, that they loke better 
upon the hospitals." A part might, he thought, be given 
in alms to the blind, sick and lame, to free schools, 
or to needy maidens for marriage portions, etc. Poor- 

' Fabyan, Chronicles, ed. 1811, p. 578. 



230 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

houses and parish doctors should be provided, and he 
adds : — 

" Item, part of these forsayde goodes may be employed to this 
use, that in euery hundreth, good towne or citie, certein houses 
be mainteined, to lodge and kepe pore men in, such as be not 
able to labour, syck, sore, blind, and lame, and euery one of 
them to haue wherwith to Hue, and to haue poore whole women 
to minister unto them. . . . Let Physycians and Chyrurgians 
be founde in euery suche town or cyte, where such houses be, to 
loke uppon the Poore in that Town, and in all other Joyninge 
unto it and they to lyue uppon their stipend onely, without tak- 
ing any penny of their pore, uppon payne of lousing both his 
eares and his stipend also." 

Henry VHI proposed to the Commons very much what 
their predecessors had suggested to Henry IV and Henry 
V, omitting, nevertheless, the clause relating to a hun- 
dred new almshouses. If they would grant him the 
religious houses, these should not be converted to private 
uses, and the army would be strengthened and taxes 
reduced. No provision, however, was made for these 
projects, but the king was put in possession of the monas- 
teries, and then of the chantries, hospitals and free 
chapels. The Parliament, in granting the hospitals to 
the king and his heirs for ever, expressed its confidence in 
the royal benevolence towards them and desire for their 
improvement : — 

"The Kinges Highnes of his most godlie and blessed dis- 
posicion entendeth to have the premisses used and exercised to 
more godlie and uertuouse purposes and to reduce and bringe 
them into a more decent and convenient order, for the com- 
moditie and welthe of this his realme and for the suertie of the 
subjects." 

When the king went to prorogue Parliament, he seems to 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 231 

have alluded in his "Oration," as set forth by Foxe, to 
the above expression of their hopes and wishes : — 

"Surely if I, contrary to your expectation, should suffer the 
ministers of the church to decay ; ... or poor and miserable 
people to be unrelieved ; you might say that I, being put in so 
special a trust, as I am in this case, were no trusty friend to 
you, nor charitable man to mine even-christened, [fellow Chris- 
tians], neither a lover of the public wealth, nor yet one that 
feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our 
doings. Doubt not, I pray you, but your expectation shall be 
served more godly and goodly than you will wish or desire, as 
hereafter you shall plainly perceive." 

But although Henry VIII thus professed to re- 
member the higher court of justice, his conduct gave no 
evidence of it. Brinklow ventured upon a reminder in 
A Supplication of the Poore Co7??»2o«j,i published shortly 
after the king's speech : — 

"We beseke you (most deare Soueraine) euen for the hope 
you haue in the redemption of Christ, that you call to remem- 
braunce that dreadfull daye, whan your Highnesse shall stande 
before the judgement seat of God in no more reputation then 
one of those miserable creatures which do no we daylye dy in 
the stretes for lack of theyr dwe porsion." 

He continues to point out in forcible language that the 
portion due by God's ordinance to poor impotent folk, the 
lame, blind, lazar and sore members of Christ — who once 
had been lodged in hospitals and almshouses — is now given 
by the king and his nobles to "reward those gnatonical 
elbowhangers, your chaplaines." In spite of the vehement 
abuse of parasitical clergy in which the above writer in- 
dulges, it was in the main lay-people rather than church- 
men who divided the spoils. Fuller — who quaintly 

1 Early Eng. Text Soc, 77. 



232 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

writes that "this king made three meals, or (if you will) 
one meal of three courses, on Abbey-lands, besides what 
Cardinal Wolsey (the king's taster herein) had eaten 
beforehand" — goes on to say "yet surely more tender- 
nesse was used to hospitalls," and finds "very few of 
them finally suppressed." But hospital endowments did 
certainly form a substantial dish at Henry's feast, to which 
many royal favourites were bidden. Some fell with the 
smaller priories (1536), a few with the greater houses 
(1539), and others were extinguished under the Act for 
dissolving chantries, free chapels, hospitals, and guilds 
(1545) ; a further Act of confiscation marked the first year 
of Edward VI's reign (1547). In some places charities 
were indiscriminately swept away. A manuscript history 
of Gorleston records, for example, that "Henry VIII 
ordered that all the premises of . . . the Hospitals of St. 
James, St. John, St. Bartholomew, St. Luke, and the 
church and hospital of St. Nicholas . . . should be sold." 
No consistent plan was followed, but — whether under 
ecclesiastical or lay control — charities were destroyed or 
spared at will. Speaking generally, institutions in private 
hands were suppressed, those in the possession of cor- 
porate bodies, retained. 

Few houses of Crown patronage escaped. The Com- 
missioners, announcing to Cromwell (1537) the dissolution 
of certain northern monasteries, add: — "We have also 
altered the howse of Sancte Leonerdes in Yourke, after 
suche ordre and fassion as we trust shall appeir to your 
lordship to be to the kinges honour and contentacion."^ 
In truth the alteration meant annihilation for St. Leonard's; 
and St. Nicholas' hospital in the same city also disap- 

' Camden Soc. , 1843, p. 166. 



I' LATE XXV 




< 
Z 

o 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 233 

peared. In London, the Savoy, fresh from the hand of 
the builder, was dissolved. The sisters of St. James', 
Westminster, surrendered (receiving life-pensions), where- 
upon "the king builded there a goodly Manner, annexing 
thereunto a Parke. "^ The Maison Dieu, Dover, a rich 
foundation with good buildings near the quay, was 
declared suitable for a victualling yard (1544) which it 
eventually became. 

Hospitals attached to a cathedral or see were usually, 
but not always, spared. In the bishopric of Durham, for 
example, the houses of Sherburn and Greatham survived, 
but neither Kepier nor the bishop's hospital at Northaller- 
ton. God's House, Portsmouth, was surrendered and 
became an armoury ; in the Library of the Society of 
Antiquaries is a document of 1 547 concerning ' ' Munycions 
within the Churche at Goddeshouse."- St. John's, Ely, 
was spared, yet only for a while. The episcopal hospitals 
at Bath and Norwich remained in use, but under the 
municipality. 

If directly dependent upon a monastic house, the fate 
of a hospital was practically sealed. Take, for instance, 
the case of St. James', near the gate of Lewes Priory. 
From the monastery now demolished thirteen men and one 
woman had had all their living ; wherefore Peter Thomp- 
son and the bedefolk begged relief (1538).^ Hospitals 
of lay-foundation which had been subsequently placed 
under monastic supervision, but with distinct endowments, 
fell as forming part of the sequestrated property. In 
some cases the Crown kept up charities for a time. The 

^ Stow, Survey of City of Westminster, bk, vi. p. 4. 

'■^ MS. Soc. Antiq. cxxix. f. 274. 

' Cal. of Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII, 13. i. 383. 



234 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

return of pensions in 1552 shows that sums were paid 
out of the tenements of Nostell Priory to inmates of 
St. Nicholas', Pontefract. The poor dwelHng in the 
so-called "Kings Majesty's almshouses" at Glastonbury 
(formerly abbey-pensioners) were also granted weekly 
allowances. This was generous, for although Henry VIII 
and Edward VI were fond of giving their names to charit- 
able institutions, they too often gave little else. 

The two Statutes authorizing the dissolution of Chan- 
tries, etc. (1545-1547) extinguished or reduced in means, 
some houses of charity. When an almshouse was spared, 
the Crown sometimes demanded an acknowledgment ; at 
Beverley the rents in 1545 include a new item of ^4 paid 
by the town to the king and queen for the Trinity Maison 
Dieu. " Hospitals " were not rightfully within the scope 
of the second Act. Thus Foster's almshouse in Bristol 
being, as the certificate states : — 

" for the helpynge relief and comforte of a certeyn nomber of 
poore people there to contynue and haue their liuinge from 
tyme to tyme for euer, is without the compasse of the statute 
and the King's Majestic not entitled thereunto by force of the 
same." 

In the preface to the Yorkshire Chantry Surveys, it is 
stated that most, if not all, of the hospitals which were 
returned on the certificates there printed were left un- 
dissolved, save that in a few cases funds were transferred 
to educational purposes. Testimony is borne in 1552 to 
the usefulness of one of the Pontefract almshouses, where 
fourteen bedemen were supported : — 

" Thes persons be called cremettes and le pore and agyd 
people, and placyd in a howse, callyd Seynt Nycoles Hospytell, 



PLATE XX\-I 




DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 235 

and when any of them dyeth another ys placyd in the dedes 
roome, and ys very convenyent to be contynuyd, as well for 
the helpe of the pore and agyd people of the towne as for 
others." 

In many places, however, endowments were seized by 
virtue of this Act. A sixteenth-century MS. states : — 

" Item, there ar within the towne and parishe of Taunton 
xliiij"' almshowses full of poore people whereunto there was 
certen Lande belonginge which by the Suppression of Chaun- 
teries was taken awaie soe that now thinhabitaunts doe beare 
the whole burden them selues."i 

The dissolution of fraternities also affected the main- 
tenance of the poor. Of almshouses associated with gilds 
at Colchester, Stratford and Abingdon, none survived 
save the latter, which was incorporated by Edward VI. 
St. John's hospital in Winchester outlived the fraternity 
annexed to it. St. Thomas', York, which had been 
united to Corpus Christi Gild, weathered the storm, its 
officials afterwards diplomatically inviting the mayor and 
aldermen "to be brether -vvith us in the same hospital." 

Those houses were fairly secure which were already the 
property of municipal authorities, who indeed received 
fresh patronage at this time (e.g. at Canterbury, Norwich, 
Bath) — a policy which obtained the support of the great 
middle-class. At this crisis the public-spirited action of 
more than one corporation saved charities from extinction. 
In the Survey for Wiltshire (1548), quoted by Mr. Leach 
in English Schools at the Reformation, the following entry 
is made: — "There is an Hospitall within Marleborowe 
. . . wiche the sayd mayre and commons humbly desyre 
the Kingis Highnes and his mooste Honourable councell 

' B.M. Add. 30277, f. 3. 



236 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

to conuerte into a Free scole for the inducement of youth." 
But before the townsmen obtained their school, it was 
necessary to sell the stock of plate intended to pass from 
mayor to mayor, "as hath byn credibly reported," says a 
book formerly belonging to the Chamber. To cite 
another example, the corporation of Bristol received 
St. Mark's as a "gift," that is, the sum of i^iooo was 
paid into the treasury of the Court of Augmentations, 
besides an annual rent of .^20. The city obtained part of 
the property in return on easy terms, for, as Fuller 
would observe, there were " many good bargains, or 
rather cheap pennyworths, bought of abbey lands." It is 
said that more than half the purchase-money was raised 
by the sale of church plate. 

In London, the citizens, under the leadership of the 
Lord Mayor, made an urgent petition to Henry VIII 
(1538) for the re-foundation of certain hospitals : — 

"for the ayde and comforte of the poore sykke, blynde, 
aged and impotent persones, beyng not able to helpe theym- 
selffs, nor hauyning any place certeyn whereyn they may be 
lodged, cherysshed and refresshed tyll they be cured and holpen 
of theyre dyseases and syknesse. For the helpe of the said 
poore people, we enforme your grace that there be nere and 
w'yn the cytye of London three hospytalls or spytells, comenly 
called Saynt Mary Spytell, Saynt Bartylmews Spytell, and 
Saynt Thomas Spytell, . . . fownded of good devocon by 
auncyent fathers, and endowed w' great possessions and rents. " 

The petitioners promise that if the king will grant the 
governance of these hospitals to them with their posses- 
sions, they shall be reformed and their usefulness in- 
creased : — 

"A greatter nombre of poore nedy sykke and indygent per- 
sones shalbe refresshed maynteyned comforted fownde heled 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 237 

and cured of theyre infyrmytyes frankly and frely, by phisicions, 
surgeons, and appotycaryes, ... so that all impotent per- 
sones not able to labor shall be releued . . . and all sturdy 
beggars not willing to labor shalbe punisshed, so that w' 
Godd's grace fewe or no persones shalbe scene abrode to begge 
or aske almesse." 

It appears that no response was made to this appeal 
until 1544. St. Mary's had been dissolved, never to be 
restored, St. Thomas' was deserted, and St. Bartholo- 
mew's, "vacant and altogether destitute of a master and 
all fellows or brethren." After six years' delay, the king 
heeded the petition. He was exceedingly anxious to 
emphasize his compassionate character and eager desire 
for the improvement of hospitals. If the petitioners had 
invited him to win the name of conservator, defender and 
protector of the poor, he writes as though he were indeed 
all these : — 

"We being of the same [hospital] so seised, and, divine 
mercy inspiring us, desiring nothing more than that the true 
works of piety and charity should not be abolished there but 
rather fully restored and renewed according to the primitive 
pattern . . . and the abuses, in long lapse of time lamentably 
occurring, being reformed, we have endeavoured . . . that 
henceforth there be comfort to the prisoners, shelter to the 
poor, visitation to the sick, food to the hungry, drink to the 
thirsty, clothes to the naked, and sepulture to the dead adminis- 
tered there . . . we determine to create, erect, found and 
establish a certain hospital." 

By virtue of these letters-patent the name of the ancient 
institution was to be "The House of the Poor in West 
Smithfield of the foundation of King Henry VIII." The 
noble "founder" is commemorated by the gateway and 
by a portrait in the Common Room ; whilst a window in 



238 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

the hall depicts Sir R. Gresham receiving the "founda- 
tion-charter." 

If the "creation" of St. Bartholomew's — after above 
four hundred years of usefulness — was due to Henry VIII, 
its preservation was due almost entirely to the good 
citizens of London. Its former possessions being now 
vested in the Crown, the king agreed by an Act of 
Common Council to endow it to the extent of 500 marks 
a year (about ;^333). The citizens — "thinkying it for 
their partes rather to litle then enough " — gladly met the 
offer with a similar sum annually ; they also raised nearly 
;^iooo for initial expenses and opened the repaired and 
refitted hospital for one hundred patients. They agreed 
henceforth to buy and provide all manner of apothecary's 
ware, and all that was necessary for making salves and 
all other things touching physic or surgery, for the 
healing of inmates. From this time onwards the citizens 
interested themselves in this great institution which they 
supported nobly. It did not become a municipal hospital, 
but was under the guidance of the Lord Mayor and 
Governors. 

By the same covenant the king "gave" St. Mary's 
of Bethlehem to the city. Stow says : — " It was an 
Hospitall for distracted people. . . . the Mayor and 
Communalty purchased the patronage thereof with all 
the landes and tenementes thereunto belonging, in the 
yeare 1546, the same yeare King Henry the eight gave 
this Hospitall unto the Cittie." In other words, the 
citizens bought back that which had already been in the 
guardianship of the city for about two hundred years. 

In "The Ordre of St. Bartholomewes "^ drawn up in 

1 Early Engf. Text Soc. Extra liii. App. xvi. 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 239 

1552, a report is given, so that all might know how things 
were administered and support the work. During the 
preceding five years, eight hundred persons had been dis- 
charged healed, and ninety-two had died. The charity 
had been carried on in spite of great difficulties, and now 
there was a design to increase it : — 

"The Citie of their endlesse good wil toward this most 
necessarie succour of their pore brethren in Christ, . . . wyshe 
al men to be most assuredly perswaded, that if by any meanes 
possible thai might, they desire to enlarge the benefyght to a 
thousand." 

A wish is expressed that all almoners and houses of alms 
might be stirred up to do likewise "at this tyme namely, 
when the mysery of the poore moste busily semeth to 
awake." This same year the manor of Southwark was 
purchased and St. Thomas' repaired, so that whereas 
it lately accommodated forty sick, it was reopened with 
260 beds for the aged, sick and sore. This " Hospitall 
of great receite for the poore, was suppressed but againe 
newly founded and indowed by the benevolence and 
charitie of the citizens," says Stow. King Edward's 
letters-patent (1551) describe the miserable condition of 
the sick poor lying and begging in the streets, "to their 
no small grief and pain and to the great infection and 
molesting of his subjects. The king desiring the health 
of the citizens in general no less than the cure of the 
sick, therefore grants permission to the mayor and cor- 
poration to undertake the work." 

The work of the re-founded houses of St. Bartholomew, 
St. Thomas, and Bethlehem was supplemented in 1553 
by Christ's Hospital for fatherless children, and Bridewell 
for the correction of idle vagabonds. These institutions 



240 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

were provided partly from Edward VI's private purse 
and partly from the dissolved Savoy Hospital and Grey 
Friars. Their initiation was due to the influence of 
Ridley, Bishop of London, who took counsel with the 
Lord Mayor as to the condition of the poor, and reported 
it to the young king. With the charitable provision 
after 1547 we are not, however, concerned, and only the 
ultimate effect of the general Dissolution remains to be 
shown. 

For, happily, this volume is no history of obsolete 
institutions. The heritage of the past is to a certain 
extent ours to-day, and we can rejoice in the uninterrupted 
beneficence of St. Bartholomew's which receives in the 
twentieth century as in the twelfth, "languishing men 
grieved with various sores." Words spoken by the 
Prince Consort in reference to another foundation at 
once ancient and modern, are equally true of St. Bartho- 
lomew's and of the sister-hospital of St. Thomas : — 

" It holds to this day the same honourable position in the 
estimation of the country which it did in the time of its first 
formation, exemphfying- the possibility, in this happy country, 
of combining- the general prog^ress of mankind with a due rever- 
ence for the institutions, and even forms, which have been 
bequeathed to us by the piety and wisdom of our forefathers."' 

More has come down to us than perhaps we realize. 
Canterbury retains three venerable houses of alms. St. 
Mary's, Chichester ; St. Nicholas', Salisbury ; and St. 
Giles', Norwich, are still peaceful retreats in old age. In 
the city of Winchester — St. Cross is not merely a monu- 
ment of unchangeable usefulness, but increased funds 

^ Speeches, p. 104. 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 241 

enable it to give pensions in various parts of England to 
the value of ;^i2oo; the site of St. Mary Magdalene's is 
occupied by an isolation hospital, a portion of the original 




^^-" ^^^^^0^^- 

^...^j^^i^Mf^^mmi 



&^ 3ob^'B ^^ofpi^aM^cw^y 



31. GATEWAY OF ST. JOHN'S, CANTERBURY 

endowment maintaining a small almshouse ; while St. 
John's has been greatly enlarged. 

Even where no ancient stones bear witness, modern 
bricks or coins may be eloquent, for a part of the original 

16 



242 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

endowment may be applied to a renewed institution. For 
instance, the funds of the demolished leper-hospital at 
Chichester are applied to a modern infirmary. Sums 
arising from the " Lazarhouse Charity" (Launceston) or 
" Magdalene Lands" (in Devonshire) are now and again 
expended upon food and fuel for the poor. And although 
York shows in the fragment of St. Leonard's but a memorial 
of fallen greatness, what appears to be a remnant of its 
rich revenues is still paid to thirty-one poor people, for 
the curious name " Cremitt Money" is surely derived 
from the inmates of that hospital, commonly known as 
"cremettes" (a corruption of eremites). The connection 
is clear enough in the case of the "Almsmen of St. 
Bartholomew" at Oxford, and " St. Nicholas' Almsmen " 
at Carlisle, who represent former occupants of leper- 
houses. Again, the relation may be intimate even when 
a modern charity perpetuates the ancient only by force of 
association and memory. St. Leonard's, Bedford, was 
revived in 1889, the original charity for the sick, para- 
lysed, and lepers having lapsed at the Dissolution. No 
endowments survived, but it is supported locally. The 
present foundation is an association of religious and 
philanthropic persons who supply nourishing diet to 
invalids in their homes and assist them when convales- 
cent. Thus, although the sole trace of old buildings is 
one pillar-shaft serving as a sun-dial, the charity itself 
is a living memorial of the ancient hospital. ^ 

Finally, St. Leonard's, Sudbury, and Sherburn House, 
Durham, illustrate to what advantage the old order may 
yield place to new. The income of St. Leonard's, 
originally designed for three lepers, supplemented by 

^ Communicated by the Secretary. 



DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES 243 

voluntary contributions, is applied to the maintenance of 
fourteen beds for sick patients, the hospital being fully 
equipped with modern medical and surgical appliances 
whilst maintaining the former religious traditions. 
Sherburn, once a home for sixty-five outcasts, was trans- 
formed into an almshouse when the scourge was removed. 
In that " haunt of ancient peace " many are now sheltered 
in time of age or chronic sickness ; they worship daily in 
the old church ; they are visited and cheered by a master 
who has devoted his life to them, and whose work is a 
labour of love. The revenues and practical benefits of the 
hospital continue to increase ; a modern dispensary is 
fitted up there, by means of which hundreds of out-patients 
from the neighbouring city are relieved. 

" It is this renewing of itself which brings to English 
institutions greatness, stability, and permanence. Thus the 
great traditions of the past can be happily, wisely, and usefully 
combined with the highest aspirations of the present and 
future." 



PART TWO 

NOTES ON 
HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 

"Hospitals . . . founded to the honour of God and of His glorious 
Mother.''^ (Parliament of Leicester.) 

THE words "God's House," and "Maison Dieu" were 
familiar enough in medijeval England. A hospital 
was the house of God, for therein Christ was received 
in the person of the needy: — " I was a stranger and ye 
took Me in, sick, and ye visited Me." It was also built in 
His Name and to His honour, for the principle underlying 
all dedications was, says Hooker, that they "were con- 
secrated unto none but the Lord only." But with God's 
Name that of one of His saints was often associated, and 
by this the hospital was commonly called ; thus a charter 
of Basingstoke ran: — "I have given and granted to 
God and to the glorious Virgin His Mother, and to my 
venerable patron St. John the Baptist the house called 
St. John." 

The Holy Trinity. — Hospitals bearing this title are not 
very numerous, though it often occurs as first of a group. 
There are a few single dedications early in the thirteenth 
century, which may be partly attributed to the institution 
of the Feast of Trinity by St. Thomas of Canterbury. 
Two hundred years later it was a fairly common dedica- 

244 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 245 

tion for almshouses. The seals depict various symbols. 
The "majesty" representing the Three Persons, occurs 
at Walsoken ; the Almighty seated upon a rainbow (Salis- 
bury) ; our Lord enthroned (Berkeley) ; whilst a triple 
cross ornaments the Dunwich seal. Sonde's almsmen at 
Coventry bore upon their gowns "the cognizance of the 
Trinity." 

The Holy Saviour ; Christ ; Corpus Christi— The Second 
Person of the Godhead is seldom commemorated, but the 
dedication to the Blessed Trinity was regarded as synony- 
mous, for the almshouse at Arundel occurs indifferently 
as Christ's or Holy Trinity. The Maison Dieu at York, 
commonly called Trinity, was properly that of the Holy 
Jesus — or Christ— and the Blessed Virgin, and the chantry 
certificate is headed " The Hospital of the Name of Jhesus 
and Our Blessyd Ladye." St. Saviour was the invocation 
of houses at Norwich and Bury, and the fair in connection 
with the latter charity was held at the feast of the Trans- 
figuration. "Ye masendew of Chryste " at Kingston- 
upon-Hull was originally "Corpus Christi," but it is 
remarkable to find that rarely-preserved dedication-name 
upon an Elizabethan table of rules. The seal of the 
Holloway hospital, near London, shows Christ (with the 
orb) and St. Anthony. 

The Holy Ghost. — This sacred title, closely associated 
with the mediaeval charities of Germany and famous in 
Rome, was rarely used in England. At Sandon (Surrey) 
was a hospital "commonly called of the Holy Ghost, "^ 
though an alternative name occurs. A hidden dedication 
is sometimes revealed, for the houses usually known 
as St. Thomas', Canterbury, St. Margaret's, Taunton, 

' Pat. 14 Hen. VI, pt. i. m. 4. 



246 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

St. John's, Warwick, and St. John's, Hereford, are 
mentioned once in documents as being built in honour of 
the Holy Ghost as well as of the saints named ; all the 
above instances refer to the years i334-i353. At Lyme 
there was the suggestive commemoration of the " Blessed 
Virgin and Holy Spirit." 

The Annunciation ; St. Gabriel ; St. Michael ; The Holy 
Angels- — Two fourteenth-century foundations at Leicester 
and Nottingham commemorate the Annunciation of the 
Blessed Virgin. The seal of the former house depicts 
St. Gabriel delivering his salutation. A kindred thought 
underlies the dedication " to our lady St. Mary the Mother 
of Christ and to St. Gabriel the Archangel " at Brough. 
(It is noteworthy that the parish church was St. Michael's.) 
Another institution, built by Bishop Bronescombe of 
Exeter, who had a special devotion to the Archangel, left 
its name to Clist Gabriel. The more ancient dedication 
to St. Michael occurs at Whitby and elsewhere in York- 
shire. Michael de la Pole founded an almshouse at 
Kingston-upon-Hull, partly in honour of "St. Michael 
the Archangel and all archangels, angels and holy spirits." 
A fraternity at Brentford commemorated "The Nine 
Orders of Holy Angels," and in the Valor it is termed 
hospitalis Angelorum. 

The Blessed Virgin ; The Three Kings of Cologne ; The 
Holy Innocents. — The statement referring to hospitals in 
general as "founded to the honour of God and of His 
glorious Mother " explains more than one difficult point. 
First, numerous as are the dedications to St. Mary, they 
are fewer than those of some other saints, for instance, 
St. Mary Magdalene. Secondly, a certain number of 
houses are set down as having two patrons, yet the second 



PLATE XXVII 













z 

H 

z 

o 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 247 

saint appears to eclipse the Blessed Virgin ; that of New- 
port in Essex (given as St. Mary and St. Leonard) usually 
bore St. Leonard's name and kept its fair on his festival. 
In many such cases there was in truth no double dedica- 
tion ; and although gifts were made by charter to found a 
hospital at Bristol "in honour of God, St. Mary and 
St. Mark", later documents omit the formula and call 
it "the house of St. Mark." 

On the other hand many houses were dedicated 
solely in honour of the Blessed Virgin, including five 
important institutions in London alone. In addition 
to St. Mary (without Bishopsgate), St. Mary of Ron- 
cevalles (Charing Cross) and Our Lady of Elsyng 
(Cripplegate), there was St. Mary's hospital or the House 
of Converts, — a witness to the doctrine of the Incarnate 
Christ, — and St. Mary of Bethlehem, a name chosen on 
account of the founder's intense reverence for the holy 
Nativity. Stow quotes the deed of gift made by Simon, 
"son of Mary":— 

"having speciall and singulor deuotion to the Church of the 
glorious Virgin at Bethlehem, where the same Virgin brought 
forth our Saviour incarnate . . . and where [to] the same 
Child to us there borne, the Chiualrie of the heavenly Company 
sang the new Hymne Gloria in excelsis Deo." 

The Holy Innocents were commemorated in the ancient 
leper-house outside Lincoln. The existing chapel of an 
almshouse in Bristol built "in the honour of God and 
the Three Kings of Cologne " (Leland's faniim trium 
regum) is the sole witness in the way of dedication in 
England to the veneration of the Magi. The title is said 
to have been the choice of an Abbot of Tewkesbury 
at the close of the fifteenth century. 



248 MEDIAEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Holy Cross and Holy Sepulchre. — Names commemorat- 
ing the Death and Burial of the Saviour are not infrequent. 
The history of St. Cross, Winchester, touches that of the 
Knights of Jerusalem, with whom both name and badge 
are connected. (See p. 207.) On the common seal the 
master and priests are shown kneeling at the foot of the 
Cross ; the descent from the Cross is depicted upon 
the walls of the church. This dedication is also appro- 
priately associated with the hospitals usually known as 
St. Mary Magdalene's at Stourbridge and near Bath, the 
fairs of which houses were held on the festivals of the 
Invention and Exaltation of the Holy Cross. The chapel 
of St. Thomas of Aeon in Cheapside — under the Knights 
Templars — was dedicated to St. Cross. The church 
attached to St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, was probably 
named out of veneration for the relics of "the tree of life " 
which the founder used in healing (see p. 95) ; and once 
exemptions were granted "out of the king's reverence for 
the Holy Cross, in honour of which the church of the 
hospital of St. Bartholomew is dedicated." ^ 

The connection between St. Helen and the Holy Cross 
is best told in reference to the hospital at Colchester. 
Although authentic records only carry its history back to 
1 25 1, an illustrious antiquity is claimed in an episcopal 
indulgence purporting to be issued about 1406. The 
tradition is quoted (but with modernized spelling) from 
the Antiquarian Repertory : — • 

"Moreover, in the year of our Lord 670, Constantine, the 
son of the blessed and holy woman Saint Elyn, sent his mother 
unto Jerusalem to inquire of the Holy Cross that our Saviour 
Christ Jesu died upon, likewise as it was shewed to him by 

1 Pat, 16 Hen. VI, pi. ii. m. 17. 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 249 

token in the air and also by revelation of the Holy Ghost. 
Then the holy woman, seeing the Will of Almighty God, 
departed out of the town of Colchester where she was born 
(there where the said hospital is founded in the honour of 
Almighty God, the holy Cross and St. Elyn) and took her 
journey unto Jerusalem and there . . . did win the same Cross. 
. . . Then the holy victorious woman gave laud and loving 
to God and took one part of the Holy Cross and closed it with 
gold and sent it to her hospital to Colchester evermore to be 
abiding, with her ring, her girdle, and her purse, with other 24 
curious reliques." 

Finally, after relating a visit of St. Thomas of Canter- 
bury to that house, the story of the relic, inciting to 
devotion, pilgrimage visits and contributions, is brought 
up to date : — 

" Also in the year of our Lord 1401, there came thieves unto 
the hospital by night and brake up the locks where the glorious 
relique was, and took it away . . . then they took the blessed 
Holy Cross (as it was, closed in gold the weight of 21 ounces) 
and cast it into the pond, but it would not sink . . . and so 
the folks that did pursue took it up and brought it home to the 
place again." 

This Colchester foundation was associated with the gild 
of St. Cross (p. 18) and other gilds of that name main- 
tained charities at Stratford-on-Avon, Abingdon and 
Hedon. In the latter place the hospital of St. Sepulchre 
gave its title to Newton St. Sepulchre. There were 
pilgrim-houses at Nottingham and Stamford with the 
same dedication. 

St. John Baptist, St. Mary Magdalene and St. Lazarus.— 
The cult of these saints is intertwined with the history 
of the Religious Military Orders of Jerusalem. The work 
of the Knights Hospitallers was to care for sick and 



250 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

needy pilgrims. They maintained two important infirm- 
aries at Jerusalem, St. John's for men, and St. Mary 
Magdalene's for women. Grateful guests returning from 
pilgrimage bore the report of these houses far and wide ; 
thus it came to pass that, throughout Europe, hospitals 
unconnected with the order were founded, and by force of 
association consecrated in honour of these saints. That of 
St. John Baptist, Lechlade, is referred to in one deed 
as " St. John of Jerusalem." Such " houses of St. John " 
were usually for travellers. One writer remarks that 
almost every town had a place to accommodate the sick and 
wayfarers, and that they "were invariably dedicated to 
St. John Baptist in connection with his wandering life." 
Although this saint did not monopolize the protection of 
strangers, he was certainly adopted as patron by some 
hundred hospitals (excluding commanderies of the Order 
of St. John). 

Lanfranc's foundation in his cathedral city was placed 
by him under the patronage of St. John Baptist, on one of 
whose festivals (August 29) the archbishop had been con- 
secrated. The hospital at Thetford kept a fair on that 
day called ' ' The Decollation of St. John Baptist " ; but the 
lepers of Harting celebrated their wake on June 24, " The 
Nativity of St. John Baptist." The strange customs con- 
nected with this latter festival were especially observed in 
houses of which he was patron ; in memory of St. John 
Baptist it was usual at Sherborne for a garland to be 
hung up on Midsummer Eve at the door of St. John's, 
which the almsmen watched till morning. 

Seals usually depict the saint with his symbol of the 
Holy Lamb ; sometimes he points to a scroll {Ecce Agnus 
Dei). In two instances (Banbury and Bristol) a patriarchal 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 251 

cross, one of the symbols of the Knights Hospitallers, is 
shown ; this double-armed cross is likewise found on the 
gable of St. John's, Northampton, where it is considered 
a unique architectural feature. 

St. Lazarus became the guardian of lepers partly 
through the influence of the Order whose aim was to 
relieve the sick, and especially the leprous, members of 
their brotherhood. They were introduced into England in 
Stephen's reign, when the hospital of the Blessed Virgin 
and St. Lazarus was founded at Burton, afterwards known 
as Burton St. Lazarus. The seal of this house depicts 
a bishop carrying in one hand a fork or trident, ^ in the 
other a book ; Dugdale ascribes the figure to St. 
Augustine, but Mr. de Gray Birch attributes the mitred 
effigy to St. Lazarus, traditional Bishop of Marseilles. 
Of the other dedications to St. Lazarus little is known, 
some being of doubtful authenticity. 

The question naturally arises — why were lepers called 
lazars in common parlance, and why was Lazarus chosen 
as their patron ? A curious confusion of ideas is revealed. 
The original person intended was he who lay full of 
sores at the rich man's gate. The banner of a Flemish 
lazaretto displays scenes from the life of this Lazarus, who 
appears clad as a medieval leper, and carries a clapper.^ 
The same idea was familiar in England. David of 
Huntingdon having founded a leper-house, Aelred the 
chronicler prays at his death : — " Receive his soul into the 
bosom of Abraham with Lazarus whom he did not despise 
but cherished." A similar allusion occurs in Langland's 

' Probably intended to represent the clappers ; compare design on seal 
of St. Mary Magdalene's, Winchester. 

- Lacroix, Military and Religious Life, 353. 



252 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Piers the Plowman: "And ich loked in hus lappe • a 
lazar lay ther-ynne." The lazani,s ulcer ibas plentis of 
the allegory, however, soon became associated with the 
historical Lazarus of Bethany. Thus a colony of north- 
country lepers dwelt in Sherburn hospital founded "in 

honour of the Saviour, the Blessed 
Virgin, St. Lazarus, and his 
sisters Mary and Martha." This 
dedication was abbreviated into 
St. Mary Magdalene, and the 
principal altar was in her honour. 
St. Mary Magdalene, universally 
identified with St. Mary of Beth- 
any, was thus commonly involved 
in the curious double personality 
of St. Lazarus. In England, she 
was the most popular of leper- 
patrons, no one save St. Leonard 
attaining to half her number of 
dedications. We are told that 
St. Lazarus held this place in 
France, St. James in central Europe, St. George in the 
North ; but in England, the Magdalene was supreme. 
The "Maudlin-house" was almost synonymous with 
leper-hospital. Place-names testify to the devotion of our 
forefathers to St. Mary Magdalene, and in several places 
" Mawdlyn lands" mark the site of a leper-colony. 

St. Bartholomew had sixteen hospitals in England, 
chiefly in the South. An old hymn, quoted by Dr. 
Norman Moore, describes the Apostle's medical powers. 
" Lepers he cleanses " — and to him were dedicated ancient 
lazar-houses at Rochester, Oxford, Dover, etc. "The sick 




32. SEAL OF ST. MARY 
MAGDALENE'S, BRISTOL 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 253 

he restores " — the Apostle having appeared to Rahere, sick 
with fever in Rome (perhaps, it is suggested, upon the 
island of St. Bartholomew in the Tiber), he builds upon 
his recovery a house of healing near London, which for 
nearly eight hundred years has been a place of restora- 
tion. "The lunatic are made whole" — and the Book of 
the Foundation tells of such a cure at St. Bartholomew's : — 

" ther yn a shorte space his witte was recoueryd, where a 
litill tyme he taried, blessyng God that to his apostles hath 
uouchsaf to commytte his excellent power, to hele syke, to 
dense lepers, and to caste owte feendys." 

At St. Bartholomew's, Oxford, a relic was treasured, 
namely, a portion of the saint's skin. The legend of his 
martyrdom is depicted upon the seal of the Gloucester 
foundation, and he is shown knife in hand on the 
Rochester seal. (Tail-piece of this chapter.) 

St. James.^ — Of all the Apostles, St. James has the 
largest number of hospitals, namely, twenty-six partly 
or wholly dedicated to him. This is doubtless due to the 
fact that his shrine at Compostella was the goal of Christen- 
dom, and the miracles of "Santiago" world-famous. 
St. James', Northallerton, was named as the direct result 
of a pilgrimage to Compostella in the year 1200 by 
Philip, Bishop of Durham. Several ports (Dunwich, 
Seaford, Shoreham) had houses in his honour. Hospital 
seals depict the saint as a pilgrim, with water-bottle and 
scrip, whilst one shows the token of escallop shells. 

St. James & St. John. — Whereas there was apparently 
no parish in England commemorating the brother-apostles, 
three hospitals (Aynho, Royston, and Brackley) bore this 
double name. About Brackley, indeed, there is some 



254 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



uncertainty. It occurs as "St. John and St. James" 
(1226), "St. James and St. John Apostle" (1227); but 
also as "St. John Baptist" (1301, 1471). The seal shows 
two figures, of which one scantily clad and bearing a 
palm suggests the Baptist. 

St. John Evangelist & St. John Baptist appear in con- 
junction at Exeter, Sherborne, Newport Pagnell, North- 
ampton, and Leicester. The original and usual title at 
Exeter was St. John Baptist ; but in 1354 Bishop John de 
Grandisson, a benefactor, mentions "St. John the Baptist 
and Fore-runner of Christ and St. John His Evangelist 
and Apostle." The seal of Northampton shows both 
saints with their symbols, and the appellations bapti and 
EWA are placed over the figures. On the Leicester seal 
the eagle of the Apostle is shown, and the scroll in its 
talons may represent the Ecce Agnus Dei. When 
"St. John" occurs, the dedication 
commonly proves to be to the Baptist ; 
and even where the Evangelist is ex- 
pressly named, some later document 
reverts to his namesake, e.g. Blyth, 
Burford, Castle Donington, Ciren- 
cester. 

St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke 
were not uncommemorated. "The 
house of St. Matthew" at Maiden 
Bradley, which occurs on one Patent 
Roll (1242), was commonly called 
St. Mary's ; the double dedication is 
mentioned in the Obituary Roll of 
Prior Elchester of Durham (1484), 
Eccles. B. Mar. et S. Math. Ap. The fair, granted 




33. SEAL OF ST. mark's 
BRISTOL 



VIZ 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 255 

in 1215, was upon the vigil and feast of St. Matthew the 
Apostle. The name of St. Mark's, Bristol, is preserved 
in the existing chapel of the hospital ; the seal (Fig. 33) 
shows the saint writing his gospel, the lion by his side. 
"The lepers of St. Luke the Evangelist at the bridge- 
end of Beghton " are mentioned in 1334, but the locality 
is not identified. There was also a hospital of St. Luke 
at Gorleston. 

St. Andrew; St. Thomas; St. Stephen. — There were 
dedications to St. Andrew at Flixton, Denwall, Cokesford, 
and Hythe. It seems probable that the last named was a 
re-foundation of St. Bartholomew's, for "St. Andrew" 
only occurs during the few years following its restoration 
by Hamo, Bishop of Rochester, of which See that saint 
was patron. It is improbable that any of the hospitals of 
St. Thomas were under the patronage of that Apostle, 
although Tanner erroneously gives an instance at Bir- 
mingham. They sprang up when St. Thomas the- Martyr 
of Canterbury was of paramount popularity. The am- 
biguous "St. Thomas-on-the-Green " at Sherborne, for 
example, is referred to by Leland as the "free chapel of 
Thomas Becket." St. Stephen, the almoner of the Early 
Church, was the appropriate patron of several houses of 
charity, including three in the eastern counties. One was 
at Bury St. Edmunds, where there were preserved in the 
abbey "certain drops of St. Stephen's blood which 
sprung from him at such time as he was stoned." The 
seals of Norwich and Hempton show their patron 
respectively as martyr and minister. 

St. Paul the Apostle ; St. Paul the Hermit ; St. Peter ; 
St. Petronilla. — Although St. Peter and St. Paul are 
commemorated in hundreds of parish-churches, their 



256 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



hospitals number only nine, including those in York and 
London which were adjuncts of cathedrals and borrowed 
their dedication-names. At Norwich, St. Paul the Her- 
mit was associated with his namesake. St. Peter and his 
daughter St. Petronilla were patrons of leper-houses for 
priests and maidens at Bury St. Edmunds. The virgin 
saint was famous locally and the skull of St. Petronilla or 
Pernell, which was preserved in the abbey, was considered 
efficacious in sickness. Indeed, the eastern counties were 
rich in her relics, for a casket from the treasury of a 
Norwich priory, lent to Henry III, contained, it was 
said, "of St. Petronella, one piece." 
St. Clement; St. Lawrence. — There were dedications to 
the Bishop of Rome in Oxford, 
Norwich and Hoddesdon. On 
one seal, the last-named house 
is called "the hospital of St. 
Clement" (Fig. 34), upon another 
"of St. Anthony"; both depict 
not only the hermit but a mitred 
saint in vestments, with hammer 
and horse-shoe. The connection 
with the forge is not clear, but 
St. Clement is referred to as 
patron of ironworkers in Sussex, 
and of blacksmiths in Hamp- 
shire. He was popularly re- 
garded rather as the seamen's 
saint, and was invoked by 
mariners of a fraternity of St. 
Clement connected with St. Bartholomew's hospital, 
Bristol. St. Lawrence the deacon, whose liberality to- 




34. SEAL OF ST. CLEMENT S, 
HODDESDON 



PLATE X.WIir 




HOSPITAL OF ST. PETRONILLA, IIURY ST. EDMUNDS 




HOSPITAI. OF ST. JAllKS, DUNWICH 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 257 

wards the sick and poor was proverbial, was guardian of 
twelve hospitals, chiefly for lepers. This beloved martyr 
of Rome was venerated in Canterbury, and the lepers 
dependent upon St. Augustine's Abbey were under his 
protection on a site now marked by St. Lawrence's 
Cricket Ground. "Lawrence Hill," Bristol, also pre- 
serves the memory of a leper-house. The old seal of 
St. Lawrence's, Bodmin, shows the martyr with his 
gridiron. 

St. Nicholas. — The dedications in this name amount to 
twenty-nine, eleven being in Yorkshire. St. Nicholas', 
leper-house, Harbledown, was founded by the Italian Lan- 
franc, whose native land had just acquired the bones of 
the benevolent bishop, translated to Bari in 1087. The 
hospitals of Royston and Bury St. Edmunds kept their 
fairs at the festival of his "Translation." So great was 
his popularity that Miss Arnold-Forster remarks that if 
any dedication to St. Nicholas could be traced in Derby- 
shire, he would have the distinction of being found in 
every county. This one lack among the parish churches to 
which she refers, is supplied by the existence of a hospital 
in his honour at Chesterfield, and of an almshouse chapel 
at Alkmonton. 

St. Anthony. — Whereas few churches were consecrated in 
memory of this hermit, twenty-one houses of charity were 
partly or wholly dedicated to him. His aid was invoked 
when pestilence {feu sacre) wasted France, and the initia- 
tion of the Order of St. Anthony spread his fame. The 
French priory at Lenton maintained a hospital for "such 
as were troubled with St. Anthony's fire," i.e. ery- 
sipelas. An indulgence offered to contributors towards 
vSt. Anthony's in London refers to inmates "of whom 
'7 



258 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

some are so tortured and scorched by burnings as of the 
pit, that being deprived of all use of their limbs, they 
seem to be rather horrible deformities than human beings." 
The saint was invoked against contagion and all diseases. 
In England most of his foundations were for lepers. One 
of the latest lazar-houses (Holloway, 1473) had a chapel of 
St. Anthony ; but the full title on the seal is " Holy Jesus 
and St. Anthony." 

The seals of the London, Hoddesdon, and Holloway 
hospitals (Figs. 30, 34) show St. Anthony with his tau 
cross, bell, and pig. When it was forbidden for swine to 
roam in the streets, the Antonine monks retained the right 
to turn out their pigs, which were distinguished by a bell. 
Although the York hospital was not under the Order, the 
master claimed one pig out of every litter. As late as 
1538) when the London house of St. Anthony had been 
appropriated to Windsor, licence was given "to collect 
and receive the alms of the faithful, given in honour of 
God and St. Anthony, . . . together with swine and 
other beasts." 

St. Augustine; St. Benedict; St. Bernard.— Whether the 
"hospital for lepers of St. Augustine" at Newport (Isle 
of Wight) should be considered a true dedication is hard 
to say ; like the " Papey " in London it may merely have 
been a community under the Austin Rule. A leper-house 
in Norwich bore the name of St. Bennet's ; although 
situated in St. Benedict's parish, this must be regarded 
as a genuine dedication, for the common seal depicts the 
patron. "St. Nicholas and St. Bernard's" at Horn- 
church took its designation from the Great St. Bernard 
in Savoy. (See p. 209.) 



PLATE .\.\I.\ 




'JHK HOSPITALITY OF ST. JULIAN 

FROM TIIK I'AIN'IINC HV C. AI.r.ORI 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 259 

St. Julian the Hospitaller was a singularly appropriate 
guardian. Gervase of Southampton was himself follow- 
ing the example of St. Julian when he turned his home 
into a resting-place for travellers. Leland refers to God's 
House, Southampton, as " dedicate to Saynct Juliane the 
Bisshop," but it was rather the "good harbourer" who 
was renowned in mediaeval England. The saint has been 
depicted in art helping a leprous youth out of the ferry- 
boat and welcoming him to his house. (PI. XXIX.) At 
the passage of the river at Thetford was a hospital, the 
chapel of which commemorated St. Julian ; and the leper- 
house near St. Albans was in his honour. 

St. Alexis. — The story of Alexis himself is some clue 
to the unique dedication found at Exeter. He forsook 
his home for many years, and when at last he returned 
he was recognized by no one, but his parents welcomed 
the ragged stranger for the sake of their wandering son. 
St. Alexis was therefore regarded as the patron of mendi- 
cants. 

St. George and St. Christopher. — There were hospitals 
of St. George at Tavistock and Shrewsbury ; the latter 
gave his name to one of the gates and contributed his 
cross to the arms of the town. That of Yeovil was dedi- 
cated to " St. George and St. Christopher the Martyrs" ; 
each pensioner was to wear upon his breast a red cross 
"as a sign and in honour of St. George the Martyr, 
patron of the house of alms." The squire of Thame put 
his bedemen under the care of St. Christopher, as is set 
forth upon his tomb : — 

" that founded in the church of Thame a chantrie, vi pore men 
and a fraternitye, In the worship of Seynt Cristofore to be 
releVid in perpetuyte," 



26o MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

St. Margaret ; St. Katherine ; St. Ursula. — There are 
eighteen houses in honour of St. Margaret, and they are 
chiefly for lepers. It is possible that in the case of 
Huntingdon the name may enshrine the memory of the 
saintly lady of Scotland, who died in 1093, although, it is 
true, she was not canonized until 1250; her son, David of 
Huntingdon, built St. John's in that town, and he may 




35. SEAL OF ST. KATHERINE's, BRISTOL 

have founded St. Margaret's, of which his daughter and 
grandson were benefactors. The hospitals dedicated to 
St. Katherine also number about eighteen. That royal 
saint was chosen by Stephen's queen as the protector of her 
charitable foundation for women. Katharine of Aragon 
obtained for this house a gift of relics, including part of 
the tomb of the saint sent by the Pope, "out of respect 
for the Hospital of St. Katharine." The seal of this house 
and of that at Bristol (Fig. 35) show the saint crowned, 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 261 

with sword and wheel, and the latter device was also 
worn on the habit. Wigston's hospital, Leicester, was 
named "St. Ursula and St. Catherine." Bonville's 
almshouse at Exeter includes in its unique dedication 
St. Ursula's famed companions ; it was in honour of 
"The Blessed Virgin, the Eleven Thousand Virgins and 
St. Roch." 

St. Anne ; St. Helen. — The mother of the Blessed Virgin 
was commemorated at Ripon, and together with other 
saints at Norwich, Oakham, Stoke-by-Newark, Brentford 
and Hereford. St. Helen, the mother of Constantine, 
had hospitals at Derby and Braceford, besides that 
alluded to under the title " Holy Cross." 



SAINTS OF FRANCE 

St. Leonard.^The attitude of France to this hermit- 
saint was one of deep devotion. Our Norman kings and 
nobles shared this veneration. Foundations bearing his 
name at Chesterfield, Derby, Lancaster and Nottingham, 
had privileges in the adjoining royal forests ; and 
St. Leonard's, Launceston, was dependent on the Duchy. 
The hospital at Northampton showed a crown upon its 
seal, and that of York (re-dedicated to this saint by 
Stephen) bore the arms of England. St. Leonard's, 
Alnwick, was erected on the spot where the Scottish 
king Malcolm fell. This saint had a reputation as a 
healer: "il etait le medecin des infirmes." Some fifty- 
five charitable foundations had St. Leonard for patron ; 
they were mainly for lepers, and in certain counties 
(notably Derby and Northampton) even St. Mary 
Magdalene had to give place to him in this capacity. 



262 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

The " Hospital of St. Leonard the Confessor " in Bedford 
was revived twenty years ago by a band of brothers 
who met on St. Leonard's Day and resolved to restore 
the lapsed memory of this patron saint. 

St. Giles ; St. Theobald. — The houses of St. Giles number 
about twenty-five. The chief one was that " in the fields " 
near London. He was the cripples' (and therefore the 
lepers') patron, partly because he himself suffered from 
lameness, and partly on account of the legend of the 
wounded hart which fled to him, an incident depicted 
upon seals at Norwich, Wilton and Kepier. Another 
French hermit, St. Theobald, shares the dedication 
of the leper-house at Tavistock with St. Mary Mag- 
dalene. 

St. Denys ; St. Martin ; St. Leger ; St. Laud ; St. Eligius.— 
The hospital at Devizes built by the Bishop of Salisbury 
was in honour of St. James and St. Denys ; the fair 
granted to the lepers was held on the vigil and day of 
St. Dionysius. The charitable St. Martin occurs, with 
or without St. John Baptist, at Piriho. St. Leger was 
commemorated at Grimsby. St. Laud (or Lo) is an 
alternative patron at Hoddesdon. St. Eligius (or Eloy) 
was venerated in houses at York, Stoke-upon-Trent, 
Cambridge and Hereford. 

St, Louis; St. Rocb. — These unique dedications are 
welcome among our patron saints. That to the saintly 
king occurs in the Ely Registers, contributions being 
invited in 1393 towards a chapel newly constructed at 
Brentford {Braynford) in honour of the Blessed Anne 
and St. Louis {Ludovicus) with houses for the reception 
of travellers. St. Roch, who ministered to the plague- 
stricken of Italian hospitals in the fourteenth century, 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 26, 



o 



was commemorated at Bonville's almshouse in Exeter, 
Rock Lane being a reminder of its chapel of St. Roch. 

SAINTS OF ENGLAND 

St. Oswald ; St. Wulstan.— One hospital at Worcester 
" beareth the name of St. Oswald as a thinge dedicate of 
ould tyme to him." (See p. 2.) The foundation of the 
other is ascribed to St. Wulstan himself. The house 
grew in importance after the saint's canonization in 
the year 1203, which followed a fresh display of 
miracles at his shrine. The possession of the faithful 
bishop's famous staff was disputed between hospital and 
priory. 1 

The common seal shows the patron in the act of bene- 
diction, staff in hand. 

St. Godwald; St. David.— The chapel of St. Wulstan's 
was dedicated to St. Godwald. "Some say he was a 
bishop " is Leland's commentary. Miss Arnold-Forster 
identifies him with Gulval, hermit-bishop in Wales. 
St. David, the Welsh Archbishop (canonized 11 20), was 
commemorated at Kingsthorpe, by Northampton, the 
house being frequently called "St. Dewi's." 

Si. Brinstan; St. Chad; St. Cuthbert, etc. — Although 
Leland had read that " St. Brinstane foundid an hospitale 
at Winchester," nothing is known of it. " Here is a 
hospital of St. Chadde," he remarks at Shrewsbury, re- 
ferring to the church and almshouse. Two dedications 
sometimes ascribed to St. Cuthbert, namely at Gateshead 
and Greatham, within "the patrimony of St. Cuthbert," 
hardly justify his inclusion among patrons, although he 
is named in the deed of gift. The same may be said 

' F. T. Marsh, Annals of St. Wuhtan s, p. 5. 



264 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

of documentary allusions to St. Erkenwald, St. Hilda 
and St. Richard in connection with foundations at Ilford, 
Whitby and Chichester. 

St. Ethelbert ; St. Edmund. King & Martyr ; St. Edmund, 
Archbishop & Confessor.— The royal Ethelbert and Ed- 
mund are included among our saints. St. Ethelbert's, 
Hereford, is attached to the cathedral and shares its 
patron. In the case of the ten houses of St. Edmund, it 
is not always possible to determine whether the Saxon 
king is intended or Edmund Rich, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury. The "spital on the street" in Lincolnshire and 
the hospital by Doncaster Bridge were in honour of the 
royal martyr ; whilst those of Leicester and Windeham 
commemorated the archbishop, the latter being founded 
by his devoted friend, St. Richard of Chichester, who 
had recently attended the solemn "Translation" at 
Pontigny. 

■ St. Edmund's, Gateshead, has puzzled historians be- 
cause the designations vary between King, Archbishop, 
Bishop and Confessor. Surtees and others concluded 
that all had reference to one foundation, but Mr. J. R. 
Boyle proves that there were two with distinct endow- 
ments, and that both chapels were standing a century 
ago. Now it is recorded that Nicholas of Farnham was 
the founder of that of "St. Edmund the Bishop." A 
sidelight is thrown upon the subject by Matthew Paris, 
whose narrative of the miraculous recovery of Nicholas in 
1244 through the agency of St. Edmund has escaped the 
notice of local topographers. The emaciated sick man 
bade farewell and received the last rites when he was 
restored by the application of a relic of the archbishop. 
From this incident it seems likely that the hospital was a 



PLATE XXX 




CHAPEL OF ST. EDMUND THE KING, SPITAL-ON-THE-STREET 




CHAPEL OF ST. EDMUND THE ARCHBISHOP, GATESHEAD 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 



265 



votive offering and that it was consecrated soon after Arch- 
bishop Edmund was enrolled among the saints. The 
papal letter of canonization (1246) describes his beautiful 
character and the miraculous events which followed his 
death. When it declares that "he healed the swelling 
dropsy by reducing the body to smaller dimensions," 
the allusion is surely to the recent recovery of Bishop 
Nicholas, who had been suffering from that in- 
firmity. 





36. A pilgrim's sign 



St. Thomas the Martyr of Canterbury was believed to 
surpass all others in powers of healing. His miracles 
were usually wrought by means of water mixed with a 
drop of the martyr's blood ; this was carried away in a 
leaden ampulla, and its contents worked wonders. (See 
Fig. 8.) Others would purchase a "sign," upon which 
was announced in Latin : — " For good people that are sick 
Thomas is the best of physicians." (Fig. 36.) Many of 
these pilgrims to Canterbury lodged in the hospital of 



266 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

St. Thomas (PI. II), said to have been founded by the 
archbishop himself, whose martyrdom is depicted on the 
walls of the hall. The chapel was dedicated to his special 
patron, the Blessed Virgin. St. Thomas', Southwark, 
also claimed him as founder, and two other houses were 
intimately connected with him. One was Becket's early 
home in Cheapside, enlarged by his sister Agnes and her 
husband, whose charter grants land " formerly belonging 
to Gilbert Becket, father of the blessed Thomas the Martyr 
. . . being the birthplace of the blessed martyr." Privi- 
leges were accorded to it long afterwards " from devotion 
to the saint, who is said to have been born and educated 
in that hospital." (This foundation was usually called 
St. Thomas of Aeon, but it is believed that the designa- 
tion had at first no connection with Acres, but rather with 
the original owner of the property.) The second house 
with family associations was at Ilford, for while Becket's 
sister was abbess of Barking, the lepers' chapel was re- 
consecrated with the addition of the name of St. Thomas. 
Nor were his friends less faithful, for when Becket's 
chancellor Benedict (afterwards his biographer) was 
transferred from Canterbury to Peterborough, he com- 
pleted a foundation in his honour. Probably Benedict 
was also concerned in the choice of name at Stamford, 
especially as that dependent house adopted St. John 
Baptist and St. Thomas as joint patrons ; for the fact that 
the new martyr's body was laid near the altar of the 
Baptist called forth from several chroniclers (as Stanley 
points out) the remark that St. John Baptist was the bold 
opponent of a wicked king. In a document relating to 
the Stamford house, St. Thomas is referred to as "the 
proto-martyr," but the claim is hard to justify. He was 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 267 

commemorated with St. Stephen at Romney, a dedication 
which would have given him abundant satisfaction ; for 
previous to his flight in 1164 he celebrated, as having a 
special portent, the mass "in honour of the blessed proto- 
martyr Stephen." 

It is a far cry from Kent to Northumberland, but there 
existed at Bolton a hospital of St. Thomas. Within a 
few miles had been fought the Battle of Alnwick, a victory 
won, it was believed, as the result of the king's public 
penance the same day (1174). The date of foundation is 
not recorded, but it was begun before 1225. About the 
same time a hospital of St. Thomas was being built at 
Hereford, by one of the Warennes, whose father had 
bitterly opposed the then unpopular Chancellor. The 
new devotion to St. Thomas was fanned into flame by the 
magnificent ceremony of 1220 on the removal of his body 
to its wonderful shrine. Soon after this, a hospital was 
founded at Bee, and the patronage annexed to^the See of 
Norwich ; it was consecrated by Bishop Pandulph, who 
had taken a leading part in the "Translation," an event 
which was henceforth celebrated on July 7. For centuries 
the shrine was held in high honour. The Letter Books 
of Christ Church, Canterbury, record miracles in 1394 
and 1445.^ So notable was the first of these that 
Richard II wrote to congratulate the archbishop, acknow- 
ledging his thankfulness to "the High Sovereign Worker 
of miracles who has deigned to work this miracle in our 
days, and upon a foreigner, as though for the purpose of 
spreading . . . the glorious fame of His very martyr," 
adding a pious wish that it might result in the conversion 
of those in error at a time when "our faith and belief 

' Chron. and Mem. 85, iii. 27-29. 



268 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

have many more enemies than they ever had time out of 
mind." Such signs were, in fact, an antidote to Lollardy, 
as is implied by the public testimony of the Chapter to 
the cure of a cripple from Aberdeen in 1445. 

The kings continued to pay pilgrimage visits, and even 
Henry VHI sent the accustomed offerings to Canterbury. 
His subsequent animosity towards St. Thomas was a 
political move, as is shown by the report of Robert Ward 
in 1535 ; having spied at the hospital of St. Thomas of 
Aeon a window depicting the flagellation of Henry II by 
monks at the shrine, he pointed out to Thomas Cromwell 
that Backet was slain "in that he did resist the 
king." Bale afterwards alludes thus to this burning 
question : — 

" A trayterouse knave ye can set upp for a saynte, 
And a ryghteouse kynge lyke an odyouse tyrant paynte. 

In your glasse wyndowes ye whyppe your natural! kynges.''^ 

In 1538 Henry thought it expedient to inform his loving 
subjects that notwithstanding the canonization of St. 
Thomas "there appeareth nothing in his life and ex- 
teriour conversation whereby he should be called a saint, 
but rather ... a rebel and traitor to his prince." Hence- 
forth few windows remained depicting the acts of the 
martyr, — though one representation of the penance of 
Henry II is familiar to readers at the Bodleian. The 
name was to be no longer perpetuated ; "St. Thomas the 
Martyr, Southwark," becomes "Becket Spital" and then 
"St. Thomas the Apostle," whilst "Thomas House" is 
found at Northampton. 

' Camden Society, Kynge Johan, p. 88. 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 269 

All Saints. — In spite of many general references to All 
Saints, the invocation by itself was as rare for a hospital 
as it was common for a church. Leland and the Valor 
Ecclesiasticus give the dedication of the Stamford bede- 
house as "All Saints." The founder had willed that 
" there be for ever a certain almshouse, commonly called 
William Browne's Almshouse, for the invocation of the 
most glorious Virgin Mary and of All Saints, to the 
praise and honour of the Name Crucified." The alms- 
men's special chapel in the parish church of All Saints 
was in honour of the Blessed Virgin. The existing silver 
seal shows the Father, seated, supporting between His 
knees the Saviour upon the Cross, whilst the Spirit 
appears as a Dove. 

Alternative Dedications, etc. 

There is frequently an uncertainty as to the invocation, 
even with documentary assistance. A Close Roll entry 
(12 14) mentions a foundation at Portsmouth in honour of 
Holy Trinity, the Blessed Virgin, St. Cross, St. Michael 
and All Saints. Usually the name is simply "God's 
House," but often St. John Baptist or St. Nicholas. The 
seal seems to suggest the original designation, for it 
shows a Cross, with the Divine Hand, a scroll and angels. 
Again, God's House at Kingston-upon-Hull was called 
Holy Trinity or St. Michael's, or from its situation " the 
Charterhouse hospital " ; but its full title was " in honour 
of God, and the most glorious Virgin Mary His Mother, 
and St. Michael the Archangel, and all archangels, 
angels and holy spirits, and of St. Thomas the Martyr, 
and all saints of God." It may be observed that inasmuch 
as the founder Michael Pole was Chancellor of England, 



270 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

he looked to his predecessor in office St. Thomas as 
patron, no less than to his name-saint. By the foundation- 
deed of Heytesbury almshouse, it was in honour of "the 
Holy Trinity, and especially of Christ our Redeemer, 
the Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother, St. Katherine and 
all saints." The almsmen wore the letters jhu. xrt. upon 
their gowns. The Chantry Certificate, nevertheless, 
gives St. John's. The original seal shows a Cross and 
the name domus elimosinaria, but the post-Reformation 
seal has St. Katherine. Varying dedications are some- 
times merely mistakes. It must, however, be remembered 
that occasionally hospital and chapel had different patrons, 
and that both were sometimes rebuilt and re-consecrated. 
As civil and ecclesiastical archives continue to reveal their 
long-hidden information, the dedication-names of many 
houses will doubtless come to light, together with notices 
of foundations at present unknown to us. 

Some seventy titles of hospitals are here recorded, as 
compared with over six hundred different dedications of 
parish churches. In some instances the patron of a 
charitable institution bequeathed his name to a parish. 
At Tweedmouth, St. Bartholomew of the hospital was 
powerful enough to dispossess St. Boisil, the rightful 
patron of the place. The parishes of St. Mary Magdalene, 
Colchester, St. Giles-in-the-Fields, London, and St. Giles, 
Shrewsbury, have grown up round a former leper-house. 
Several modern churches, such as St. John's, Bridgwater, 
occupy the site and carry on the name of an old founda- 
tion. 

In conclusion, it must be observed that since the subject 
of England's Patron Saints has been fully dealt with by 



HOSPITAL PATRON SAINTS 271 

Miss Arnold-Forster, no attempt has here been made to 
make more than passing allusions to the lives of 
hospital saints. The foregoing notes on saints were 
suggested by her Studies in Church Dedications. 




37. SEAL OF THE HOSPITAL OF 
ST. BARTHOLOMEW, ROCHESTER 



APPENDIX A 

OFFICE AT THE SECLUSION OF A LEPER 

[Translated from the Manuale ad Usuni Insignis Ecclesice Sarum, 
printed in York Manual, &c., Appendix, Surtees Society, Vol. 63. 
p. io5».] 

The Manner of casting out or separating those who are sick with leprosy from 

the whole. ^ 

FIRST of all the sick man or the leper clad in a cloak and 
in his usual dress, being- in his house, ought to have 
notice of the coming of the priest who is on his way to 
the house to lead him to the Church, and must in that guise 
wait for him. For the priest vested in surplice and stole, with 
the Cross going- before, makes his way to the sick man's house 
and addresses him with comforting words, pointing- out and 
proving that if he blesses and praises God, and bears his 
sickness patiently, he may have a sure and certain hope that 
though he be sick in body he may be whole in soul, and may 
reach the home^ of everlasting welfare. And then with other 
words suitable to the occasion let the priest lead the leper to 
the Church, when he has sprinkled him with holy water, the 
Cross going before, the priest following, and last of all the sick 
man. Within the Church let a black cloth, if it can be had, be 
set upon two trestles at some distance apart before the altar, 
and let the sick man take his place on bended knees beneath it 
between the trestles, after the manner of a dead man, although 

^ This is identical -with the 3rd Ordo given in Martene, lib. iii. ex., 
from the Ritual of Bourg-es and Sens issued by the command of Cardinal 
Borbonius (Henderson). 

^ Domuni (Henderson) ; or, reading Donum (with Martene, etc.) we may 
translate this : — "may obtain the g-ift of everlasting salvation.." 
18 273 



274 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

by the grace of God he yet lives in body and spirit, and in this 
posture let him devoutly hear Mass. When this is finished, 
and he has been sprinkled with holy water, he must be led with 
the Cross through the presbytery to a place where a pause 
must be made. When the spot is reached the priest shall 
counsel him out of Holy Scripture, saying : " Remember thine 
end and thou shalt never do amiss." [Ecclus. vii. 36.] Whence 
Augustine says: "He readily esteems all things lightly, who 
ever bears in mind that he will die." The priest then with the 
spade {palla) casts earth on each of his feet, saying : " Be thou 
dead to the world, but alive again unto God." 

And he comforts him and strengthens him to endure with the 
words of Isaiah spoken concerning our Lord Jesus Christ : — 
"Truly He hath borne our griefs and carried our sorrows, yet 
did we esteem Him as a leper smitten of God and afflicted " 
[Isa. liii. 4, Vulgate] ; let him say also : " If in weakness of 
body by means of suffering thou art made like unto Christ, 
thou mayest surely hope that thou wilt rejoice in spirit with 
God. May the Most High grant this to thee, numbering thee 
among His faithful ones in the book of life. Amen." 

It is to be noted that the priest must lead him to the Church, 
from the Church to his house as a dead man, chanting the 
Responsorium Libera me, Domine, in such wise that the sick 
man is covered with a black cloth. And the Mass celebrated 
at his seclusion may be chosen either by the priest or by the 
sick man, but it is customary to say the following : — 

Introitus. Circumdederunt me. QucBre in Septuagesima. 
Collecta. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, salus seterna creden- 

tium. 
Epistola. Carissimi, Tristatur quis vestrum. 
Resp. Miserere mei. 

Vers. Conturbata sunt. AUeluya. V. Qui sanat. 
Si in Quadragesima, Tractus. Commovisti. 
Evangelium. Intravit Jesus in Capharnaum. 
Offertorium. Domine, exaudi. 
Secreta et Postcommunio in communibus orationibus. 
Communio. Redime, Deus, Israel ex omnibus angustiis nostris. 



APPENDIX A 275 

When leaving the Church after Mass the priest ought to 
stand at the door to sprinkle him with holy water. And he 
ought to commend him to the care of the people. Before Mass 
the sick man ought to make his confession in the Church, and 
never again ; and in leading him forth the priest again begins 
the Responsorium Libera me, Domine, with the other versicles. 
Then when he has come into the open fields he does as is afore- 
said ; and he ends by imposing prohibitions upon him in the 
following manner : — ■ 

" I forbid you ever to enter Churches, or to go into a market, 
or a mill, or a bakehouse, or into any assemblies of people. 

Also I forbid you ever to wash your hands or even any of 
your belongings in spring or stream of water of any kind ; and 
if you are thirsty you must drink water from your cup or some 
other vessel. 

Also I forbid you ever henceforth to go out without your 
leper's dress, that you may be recognized by others ; and you 
must not go outside your house unshod. 

Also I forbid you, wherever you may be, to touch anything 
which you wish to buy, otherwise than with a rod or staff to 
show what you want. 

Also I forbid you ever henceforth to enter taverns or other 
houses if you wish to buy wine ; and take care even that what 
they give you they put into your cup. 

Also I forbid you to have intercourse with any woman except 
your own wife. 

Also I command you when you are on a journey not to 
return an answer to any one who questions you, till you have 
gone off the road to leeward, so that he may take no harm 
from you ; and that you never go through a narrow lane lest 
you should meet some one. 

Also I charge you if need require you to pass over some 
toll-way {^pedagium) through (?) rough ground {super apra), or 
elsewhere, that you touch no posts or things (instrumentd) 
whereby you cross, till you have first put on your gloves. 

Also I forbid you to touch infants or young folk, whoso- 
ever they may be, or to give to them or to others any of your 
possessions. 



276 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

Also I forbid you henceforth to eat or drink in any company 
except that of lepers. And know that when you die you will 
be buried in your own house, unless it be, by favour obtained 
beforehand, in the Church." 

And note that before he enters his house, he ought to have a 
coat and shoes of fur, his own plain shoes, and his signal the 
clappers, a hood and a cloak, two pair of sheets, a cup, a funnel, 
a girdle, a small knife, and a plate. His house ought to be 
small, with a well, a couch furnished with coverlets, a pillow, a 
chest, a table, a seat, a candlestick, a shovel, a pot, and other 
needful articles. 

When all is complete the priest must point out to him the ten 
rules which he has made for him ; and let him live on earth 
in peace with his neighbour. Next must be pointed out 
to him the ten commandments of God, that he may live in 
heaven with the saints, and the priest repeats them to him in 
the presence of the people. And let the priest also point out to 
him that every day each faithful Christian is bound to say 
devoutly Pater nosier, Ave Maria, Credo in Deum, and Credo in 
Spiritum, and to protect himself with the sign of the Cross, 
saying often Benedicite. When the priest leaves him he says : — 
"Worship God, and give thanks to God. Have patience, and 
the Lord will be with thee. Amen." 



APPENDIX B 

TABULATED LIST OF 
MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS IN ENGLAND 

i.e. Houses for Wayfarers, Sick, Aged and Infirm, Insane, and 
Lepers, founded before 1 547. 



EXPLANATION OF HEADINGS, REFERENCES, SIGNS, ETC. 



Dedication. 

Date. 

Founder. 
Patron. 

L. 



Seal. 

Italics. 
Foot-notes. 



When names are stated thus : " St. John [& St. Anthony]," 
this sigfnifies that the name in brackets is less frequently 
used. 

The date given is that of the first accredited reference. The 
foundation was frequently earlier, c. = circa ; bef= before. 

This term includes benefactor and re-founder. 

In the majority of cases entered as "Private," the advowson 
was vested in the Lord of the Manor. Where two names 
are inserted they represent a change of patronage. 

i.e. Leper ; this denotes the nominal aim of the charity, which 
was not necessarily confined to lepers. 

An asterisk signifies that there are considerable architectural 
remains (chapel, hall, etc.). 

Indicates slight architectural remains (e.g. masonry, windows). 

This sign before a dedication-name implies that some endow- 
ment exists under that name or the name of the founder. 

Denotes that either a matrix or an impression is in existence. 
A specimen is usually to be found in the British Museum. 
Soc. Antiq. refers to the Society of Antiquaries, London. 

The use of italics implies uncertainty. 

" Patent" and " Close" refer to the printed Calendars of the 
Public Record Office, space not permitting of fuller details. 



277 



278 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



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282 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



w 
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1 1 1 .J 




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APPENDIX B 

I I I J I ! ^ J J 



O lo 


N 


O 


o 


lO ■* 


CO 



c 
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2 " 



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284 MEDI/EVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Q 

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1 1 1 J 




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285 



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cAi fj O 



286 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

jII IIj II II I IIIIIj 



II- I II 1 1 II I I I I I 1 1 1 

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on rt m o I 

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a .< .._ ^ ..g-& 

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J J J 






o 



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C!! 



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287 



Its- 
s<; c - 

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i-i-gOQa.u2 



288 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 





hJ 


1 1 J 


1 


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APPENDIX B 



hJ J 



289 



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290 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



13 



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s 

"o 

pq 



-I- * 



c 

o 

o 

biO 

c 



■S fc4 



Vl c« 



"o 

X 



u 3 
Oi O 

5 



f^ 



-&> 



oT " 
bjo ^ 
."H 
XI 

b/) 
c 
o 
J 



4) 

o 
P3 



Mb/) M 
^ -a u 
M "C JsS £ 

^ - " ^ I 

i 5 ill 

fa PQ pq 



3 (2 



O ,4) 

bJ3 T3 

pa P^ 






•^ .0 



ca 






O <n 

Pi te 

b/jlj 

c -a 

O O 



(U 



•a o 

TO 4-» 
1) 01 

go 

■5 " 

kJ Pi 



pa 



292 


MEDIEVAL 


HOSPITALS 


OF ENGLAND 






1 J 1 J J 


1 1 


1 






M MM 


1 




.• • • ^ • 












L. 

C 


















1 


s . .^ 1 




1 






M M - 1 




^ 


^ 2 1^^ 

<> <i < 










II II 1 







U Ph 








<: 






• • ■ 


t— 1 '« 




>^ 




—^ 


^ 




B 

CO 






"3 




S S £ 
l^-^l 1 1 1 

1^ ^ 







-w -^ 


>, .Q 




.iii 




CU 


1 


■ D OJO 

in a 

.2-43 1 
" CQ S 1 1 

X W ^ 


<= C M " 

in 1-^ 

d 
H Ph 




3 






S 

a. 
It 

V. 

E 








CO 


CTi 






UD VO Oi 


c 


iiij 


IN 


00 






lO t^ CTv 


j:3 




M ^ M M w 


N <N 


hH 






rj 1 "* " 1 1 





1 


M M 


M 






"1 " M 1 1 


•"1 


^ 'n ^ ^ 












^ 




■^ X -ii -^ 
















.... jj 


^^ 








. 


"■ 


« 


V.1 














t 
1 


(U 

. . . c 3 
ii a. 













A 


aj ij u 
. 13 c/3 


(U m 










to 


1 




1 ^ 

PQ 


1 






CO ... 

^ .t! c; M 
PC m M 
bfl.- 3 3 . 

?-"3 1 II 

55 m <; <j ly) 


5 

w 

a 
U 


Q 


1/1 ■" -w C/3 CAl 


4J +J 








N 




++ C/5 CD -H- ++ 


C/5 C/} 












* +++-!-* * 


4-1- 














c 













t 




CS 




'oj 








(O 




V) 




J^ 




1 




•^ 




• ■ • • -o 

3 

Q 


• * 








4-> 


> 


Pi 


/, 




cq 








Si 




• u 



8 . .S . 


- 1 


."2 b* 




pa 

■1 


•2 - a; 

V) p^ ^ 

g^ 3 H 


a. 
s 
CO 

u 






S 

5 





tCl ^ 






c/3 c/3 H !> 






.J 







Pi 





-5 



-IS 
8 






■■s^ 






APPENDIX B 

J I J I J J I I I J J 



o 
U 



, 


H) 




bo 




D 












° 


■ 


1 u 




a 


a 


o 

-4-1 


o 


0) 




C 




o 



o 



o 



a. 
o 

J5 






m cQ 



o 



3 X 
& bo 



■o 



a) 

o 

o 









o 



•O t^ 00 O 00 CTv to 

to ■*• "d- ^a- M CT\ 00 

W CI M M e«^ M M 



■si- 

M 



CO 
M 



CO t^ 



■^ 






■a 1^ ? " 

S m' S 



X CO 

o ^ 
en n f^ 



.2 <2 



C 



T3 

a 



m 



m 



<; I — J ^ I — J 



m V} m m 




SO 

T3 O ;:;- 
bjj rt 



;cn 



^>.S .2'- 
'I ^A" S 

* 



> 
a o 

< < 



■ « J= ^ 

S <-> .2 

"1 -s g b/i 

bjo ^ S G 

lA u K u, 

rt J3 ,« O 

ca O tt, to 



x> 



3 
O 

E 

u 
O 

Oh 



s 

o 

Pi 



3 
O 
J3 



a 
o 

+-» 
a 



3 

o 

CD 



293 



c*3 



e 
6- 



H 


Tl- 




co 


J2 


■"* 






i1> 




fc 


£ 



o ;; 



u 





c/1 




1/3 












< 




<si 


00 


1) 








o 


g 






u 


03 



> 



"IS '^ 



»n 



•ao " 
DOa, 



294 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 





MM 


hJ 




a 


' 




o • • ■ 


. 




•fi 




-J 


m .« 




1 


w .5 




>- 


. ■ • J3 




Ci< 


w .ti 












c .2 o 4j 
W pq H en 


E^ 




.S2 JS 






O .M 




>; 


s . g 




•^ 


U > 1 


1 


s 


XI <u 


1 


1 








VO 00 'O CO 


M 


1J 


CO ir5 t^ CTi 


lO 




H M M CO 


CO 


M M M M 




Cl 


ij 






• ^ • • 


. 








s 






.o 


05 




-C 


" sp- " 




•■^ 


■ ^ — -TS 




fc. 


_^^-- rt tO 




(J 


?5 "O C/} d, 




■s 


^ ^r§ 


CO 


r\ !i O V 


a 




i^ -C^'^ 


>^ 




++ C/} ++ - 


O} 




* +-1- * 






. . 


^,_^ 






4J 






^ 




+-> 


b)0 


■# 


3 
c: 4-1 


<4H 


D .^ 


o 




C ^ 


a> 


(3 






G 




'cfl 


Q 






s 




■ — ^ 




m ^ ^ , 


-M 




a; -, - - 


1-) 




J3 


o 




O 


a, 




C 


^ 




^ 





l-H 


W 


W 


(^ 






a* 


K 




V3 


<ij 


P 




Pi 


o 


O 


13 " 


bj 


CO M 


C^ 




W 


rt 


ffi 


CI. 




■ — ■ 




aj 


> 




X 


r/s 




be 








8 -m' 








^^ 




■^^ <n 




i\ 1) 




a. 








"i n 





Js o;7 



!^E 







1 


1 


1 


J 


1 


1 


p 


1 1 








V-i 




• 


• 


• 




Ut 








aj 












(U 








-4-J 












-M 








O. 






, 


^^ 




o. 








rt 






Cu 


o 




<3J 








J3 






in 


c 




X! 






1 


O 


1 




o 

X 




1 


" 1 






1 


•a 


1 


• 


> 


1 


•o 1 








a! 






4-1 


^ — 




rt 








C3 




a 


.a 

.bjo 


D 

•a 




c 

t3 








U 




o 


'a 


Ui 




<U 








Q 




H W O 




Q 






u 

£3 
C 
(U 














a 

O 






u 
rt 














s 






^ 


1 


1 


1 


1 


i 


1 


.2 1 






■a 




















^' 














m 






^D 


IH 










^ 


-t-J 


01 t^ 






01 


CO 


\r> 




^ 


Oi 


c 


CO 0\ 






cq 


CI 

M 


« 


1 


CO 

M 


CI 


o 

"> 


« CO 














c 




Si 
















J3 




o 


' co" 














O 

1— ) 







s 






, 


. 


. 


, 


jj 




J 


• >% 


























* 


•i-i 


' 


* 


rH 


* 


•a 








E 


1-1 


c« 


C/1 


in 

O 
J3 


a 
o 


c 






O _5 (U D 

j5 •£ ra rs 
H W O O 




:5 a 


15 c 














"o 






. 1— i 






-M 


+J 


■4-J 


4-J 


£ 


■4-J 


+j 


+-1 






m 


C/3 


V) 


W 


OT 


c« 


^ ^ 








4— f- 




-1— h 








^-^ 73 


w 


CD 


^-^ 














. 1 ^^ 


-0 




<a 














CD <U 




be 














f, & ^ 


ta 


C3 


•a 














u , 


rG 


CJ 


'G 














(u ^ C 


o 




P5 














■ s 


5 




cu 














<u 


fi 




















s 




a 

Vh 


; 


" 


- 


; 


:; 


' 


J Pi 







APPENDIX B 








1 J 1 J 


1 


1 1 




1 J 1 


1 


J 




IS 












• 




e-o 
















O C :; 
















J3 O - 












, 




H J 














s 
















1 


1 1 '^ § 


1 


1 1 




i 1 1 






ts 












1a 


-4-J 

ca 












_> 


_> 




















u. 










'u 


'C 




Pl, 










. Oh 


cu 




•C X 












. 




rt 9i 
















W ^ 














k* 


--„w 














-§ 


1 r "'*- 1 














i 


1 1 .£ ° 1 


1 


1 1 




1 1 ^ 


1 




^? 


CL, 













.Q 


N 








5 




a 




.t^ 








. 




la 




tlH 








Pi 




Di 




ITi \0 \0 V£) 




!>. 




t^ M -tj 


X> 


CO 


■Jij 


Cfl rs w M 


t 


1 ^ 




CO CTi C 


M 




■*- 


CO OJ M (N 


1 


^ 




M n 1) 


« 


M 


q 


M M M M 




' M 




M M 

> 


M 






... 




• . 




.-Ml 

G C3 


r^"^ 


• 


§ 










a u -M 


^ C 




■S, 


. a . 








da^ 




t 






rt 




^ rt " S 


1-^ 




a 
•1 


0] Q, 


in 
<u 

E 

1 — 1 


§1 




ca i" ca 


03 
m 

_ta 
"o 

J3 


1 




:^e^ 






ca ■" 




2 


(^ 


-U -M -(J +J 


^ 


+j -*j 




^- vj S 5 S 


4^ Ac« 


4-J 




vi VI vi m 


OT 


C« Co 




OT j£_ ,<; 


CT) 




. . . 






a 




, 






^^ 

















>. 






•o 










J3 






m 
















(U 










7 






-0 


■^^ 




* 


.|> 








•0 
. 


3 









.S t3 o( 






S K 


J3 






N 


b/) D 








+j 


• 


• 


J 


fiJu « 






oT 


■| C 






H 


cq ^ O' 








~-' 








UJ J3 


^ 


:: : 


3 





a 







«2 -^ 






Q 








c ta u 






1-. 


(U . 









< CQ m 






m 


X K 


Pi 





295 



296 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 





jj 1 M 








1 


-kl 




ft 


• 


Ci. 






>-, >^ >, j: 




O (U (U en 




J2 X: X> -u 




jn xi xi a 




< < < p^ 




u 








o Pi 

<U 1 1 1 


5 


o 1 1 ^- 1 


^5 


O nJ 




X ^ 




XI u 




< K 


'ij 


»0 N t^ M 0) 


•is 


Tt- O N CO 


-^ 


" W CO lO <M 




V- ^ . S ■ 


8 

1 


II. 1. 

o ^ "3 
"£ 1 


^. 


XI " c 


C) 


-^■01 t« 


S 


„ -a o, -^p " 

1 b £ -S &> 


.c 


1 




q 


jJ +j 4J ^ +j 




W Ifi VI < Vi 












go ij 


.-&> 




w ^ - 


c 


^^c^ >-. 


^ 






c« rt C 




XI r ' s 













a^ 









W 




.^ 


e^ 






1—' 




"^ 


X 




t^ 


m 






^ 




e 







^. 


Q 




^ 



2 




•S" 


1— 1 




8 


?=^ 




"^ 


U 




^ 


•X, 








t^ 


s 






■0 

c 


1 — 1 








oj 


> 




. ^ 


x 


-a 


N ^ 




m 


^^ U 




> 


« OJ 




u- 


«J "C 










d 






<:oa 





1 J 




J 


- 






•0 






c 






rt 


^^^ 










1^ 


u 




■d" 


1 




c 




E 


_rt 




^ c 


"bii 




2 ^ 


c 




u 


W 




w u 




1 


■ J 












"o 






_o 












•0 "tS 






"E s 




1 


rt 




1 


Q 


"i 




^ bb 


•^ 




W W 






CO to 




00 


10 \0 




N 


M M 




CO 


M (-1 






-4-1 






tf) 












+-" 






^^ 






m t« 




<M 








^% 




s 


^ ^ 




+j 


w c/5 




C/3 


• ^ 












4-1 






3 






• 






A 


















^ 


















a 













■0 






b/) :; 




^ 


.S 


















□ 






3 






X 







APPENDIX B 



297 






















































1 


1 J j 




i 1 1 


1 




1 


J J J 






J 1 






, 






, 




, 


. . . 






w 
























u< 

















































G 
























1-1 












. 




■ 


m . . 






<L> 


8 
1 




1 1 




a a 1 


c 






a J3 
■■Sag 






> 


1 ^ 


Q 


1 


1 • 1 




1 







■ 


3 3 






1 « 


C^ 




^ 




J3 ^ 

13 13 


•a 




a 








.2 

X 








El 




XI x; 


x; 




^ 













'^4 












^ 






u 






> 




u u 


i: 







iJ u J3 






ts 






a, 




< < 


< 




H 


W <1 u 






PL, 




1 


■4-1 




• a 
B 

. a 

i-J >. 


e 

u 
-0 




T3 
u. 

(33 
C 


-t-> 



X! • 






1 i 


1 









a 


c/i 


3 











Cfl 

3 






cSeS 




J pq > 


■*-• 


i-A 














-d- 




Os CO 


lO 




t^ 


t^ C^ rh 






\0 CO 


^ 





CO 




00 t^ ON 


P) 




M 


co 00 v£) 






to in 


■*4 


M 


n 1 CO 




l-H C^ 


M 




n 


M " 






P) ^ 


^ 




M 1 M 




MM M 






M 








M hH 


C5 


G 


<^ 




^ ^" 
















e 




• ■ • 




1 S^ 


D 

a 














•G 








' — 'Vi 


■C Ph 












<1> 












al r— 1 

nl . 






"3 ■ 

CD 

CO ^^ 






3 • 

(0 

13 


^ 




• tl 




c« 

^ 2 J3 a, 


fcd > 


"rt 


Da 


— • ^^ 

«1 § 






•a 
b/D ■ 




1 


^ 




c 2 r^jn 






c ^ 






S .t; 


.Ci 




!s 




u< 




t- 


(u x; CO 






^ ^ 


■<l 




-* * 'u 




j3 x; 


nS 


"« 


u <u 






b'd 


.s 




1-^ 




►2,^ Eg 


:s 


m 
















^5,.^ >^ 






■4-J 








S >. 


1^ 




^^I'ffi 




C/3 C/} -5 +J 


O, 


4-J 


*: V3 jj 






-■ I2 








^+4- c/3 


-<- + 




Crt 


W t+CAl 






C/2 ffi 










;fi * 


+ 




-h-{- 


* 










• 


C 
as 
<u 

■ ■ 3 

(U 

a 


u 

> 


Q 


•S XI 

J§ 








• c c <u 
° b/3^ 


u 

Vi 

u 

•g 



Pi 








3 


fi 


l>> 













CJ 




s 


55 


a 


a 


I. 

3 
X! 












B 


"H 




1 




3 




' 




- 


z z t 




Xi 


•g - 




■s^ 





C 












C<S 


u 




13 


■<i 


3 


nl 












^ 


aj 




Q; 05 cq pq 


Da u 












U Q 



X,' ?.'J3 



298 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

J I II I II I I I I II ^hJ J 



^ 



.2 o 

U U 



c 

o 
H 



Cl, 



o 

V} 

O 



o 



S 

s 



XI 

bjo 

u 

3 
ffl 
U 

•a 



X 

a 
o 

s 



O 

^ hi 

y c 



m 









•a 

a 






o l-H 

IS >~» 



3 

a 

3 

O 

a 
o 

J3 
en 

s 









yD vo vo o^ 



P) CO O^ CO ■^ ^ c\i 
■^ M CO c» C) CO cq 

M M tH l-H M M S 



M 00 

o o 






•^ 
••§< 



. C3 
(L> 

&^ 

s > 

o '^ 
J3 >, 

■4-" kri 



C/2 'P 



.22 g £ 

a ^ 



I I TO 

Ph ?^ 






' ca 



^ C« ^ 



* 









e 

■3 

+j 

ca 
ffl 



■le +J j-5 -M C/3 

5^ Cfl C« (/} J+ 



-a 
a 

o 

3 
P3 . 

> > 
o o 

Q Q 



o a 

M V 

H 



o 
o 

73 



0) 

c 

H 
o 
Pi 









1 

I 



<s a 



3 

o 

J3 



□ ^ 
o J 



: a 2 



.s 

'u 

a, 

tn 

o 



u 






a 

M . 

to Cfl 

(U (U 

3 O 

Ph Pi 





















APPENDIX 


B 








6 


J 




1 


1 


1 


1 


J 


1 




1 


1 


hj 




1 


1 


1 








. 


, 




. 


. 




. 




. 




in 










. 






























u 



























































































>> 






























(U 










u 






























> 




















































"C 










1 .« 














1 


c 







1 


1 




1 


CL, 


1 








' u 


• 




• 






• 


1 







^^ 


1 


1 




1 


L^ 


1 








o 
















J3 




C3 





















s 

(U 

> 


s 

rt 




a 


a 


e 


a 




en 

IS 




1 










a, 











> 




^ 


& 


& 


^ 




•g 















J3 













•c 




o 


o 










;-) 




tS 










CO 










O Ph 




H H H H 




< 




Ph 










S 










• 




c 








• 











* 








'> 


i 


S 






• 





















> 


• 










da 








. Potyn 
dam de 


J3 


1 


o 


1 


3 



J3 


1 


(D 


a 





"3 

3 
S 

Hi 


1 




1 


5 
d 

d 


tn 

S 
i3 




•0 






iZl < 






U 




H 




§; 




ca5 


in 








Da 


E 








fOvO 







^o 


j^ 


t^ 





N 


00 




00 


VO 


« 




10 


CO ^ 








IT) w 


X 




ON 


Cl 


00 


a^ 


t> 


CO 




M 


M 


CO 




<N 


CT^ 


»-t 








M CO 


M 




CO 


CI 


N 


CO 


^ 


CO 




^ 


M 


01 




N 


IH 


<M 










Cj 






^ ^ 






M 




^^ 




M 




M 


M 


1-1 
















-o 


►c 






























, 


~ 




^ 


^.^ 


^ 


, 






























(73 


o 




"3 






















13 


+-J 










•a 

c 


rH 




"o 

-4-J 








4-> 























w .H 

O c3 


c 
u 

a 


g 


'■4-* 
& 

M 
H 


c 



1 — 1 


E 



a 


■4-) 


a 




u 
en 

3 


XI 


1 


13 








> 








■t~> 


o 


o 

1— > 


4J 







1 — 1 




tn 

6 










in 








-1— H 








* 


■t-t- 


-K+ 








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300 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



< 

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APPENDIX B 


30 




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t; 1:! 




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J J 



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APPENDIX B 



I J 






O - 



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304 



MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

J J I J J I I I I 




o 








T! 


T3 u 


CD 




a 


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APPENDIX B 



305 



1 








1 




1 




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3o6 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



G. 
O 

3 



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APPENDIX B 



307 



o 

V 



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3o8 


MEDIEVAL 


HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 






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J J 1 J 


J 


1 J 1 J II 


J 


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J 




u, - - E 


-M '^ "^ " 


,- 


- J2 J2 E E ' 


" 


" E 






u 


D - - - 


■^ 


" 15 15 >-> in 




1^ 






c'i C 

2 'Amm 


cu-c 




^^^ ;2 




>^ 1 





APPENDIX B 



s 





o 




O 




■a 


r^' 


bjo 


O 


nj 




■S^ 








ID <D O 




4-) -M (^ 




rt cd X 




■^ -.^ o 






■■§< 






. ; 


• 


>^ 








O 




X: 


U 


. 


< 


■a 






bo 




Xi 
1 '='' 


^■^ 




1 y 


(D O 


V 


Q 




+-» 




rt X 


rt 


v- 


.to 


_> 


+-> 



Cl, (1^ 



Oh 



Ph 



Oh 






. o 

PS Cti 



W 1-1 



O 

a: 



1-1 00 
IT) O 



o 

U-) 



O r-) CTv 
00 s «) 

hH S IH 




£3 
O 

'-M 

Oi 

a 

3 

o 



'C "o 
Ph U 



■ J5 
o 

CD J2 



3 
O 

I'd 

w ++ 



(U 



rt 



o 
o 

"o 

Ph 



3 
O 
J3 



a 

ha 

a 



3 

c 



o 

<1 



M 



m 



IS 



o rt 



Qq O fe O 



S 

bJ3 



Ph 
en 

CD 
u 

•a 
c 



o 



6 « ■ 

^ o 

< ^ . 

N tl/l 
Ph 



W 



1^ CO o 

VD N O 



O 



C3 -O 



w 



CO 



c • 

o ^ 

a. o 

E tl 

C3! O 

>->■*-' <i- 

o c 



two 
c 



E 

O 
2 



309 



3IO MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



I 

w 

X 

(A 

2 
O 
H 
a, 
S 

X 
H 

k; 
o 
z 





1 


1 J 


1 


1 J 




J 1 


1 1 1 jj 










(U 


. 




>. • 




. 










^ 






<a 








^ 






o 






X! 




0) 










+-» 






X 




^ 




"o 
o 


• 




C/3 






< ■ 


• 




U4 




a 






j3 






J3 




J3 








1 


O 

u 






O 


• 1 1 


1 s 

Pi 


fl. 


o 

a, 
o 


c 




Oi -Q 






O 




o 

u 




c/l 


o 




XI XI 




U J2 




ta 




m 


H 




CL, 


<1 < 




Ph < 




W 




c 
o 






■ 


4-J 




^s 


^ 






o 








o 




JX (D 








rt 












TD 






1 




e 
S 

G 


1 


> 


a 

ffl 

o o 




So 

1 mS 


5 u 


1 1 




^ 


^ 




>-. 


X X 




& 
w 








■^ 


O 




a 






t>' 









o 


„ 


00 


•* lO 




o^ ■* 


O^ 0\ lO 


VD 


^ 


-* 


lO 





•o 


Oi « 




00 t^ 


OO O\CI0 


^ 


Q 


-' 


^ 


CO 


M 


" " 




M tH 


M S ^ 


W M 


Cl 





(j 






i" 




^ ^ 


^J> ^1^ ^^ 

^ K5, ^ 






G 


, 




^ 






. 


CO 


, 


a 
■e 


J2 
O 
1 — > 

-M 


U 

0) 




d 

m 


■ • 




o 


13 

in 




1 


^ 




13 


^1 

o 


s • 




•djjH 


1- >M o .S 


. . 


o 

C3 


CO "(3 

CM 

o , — 


a 

o 


o 
13 






men 
Si 


(D Q*' J3 <1 

c« S ^ 


13 -0 
u u 
d oJ 
a a 
o o 






'a. 

m 

Q 


+1 


H J 




o ^ m 


J J 


++ 




X 


^ 










■J-J -4-J 




* 


-t-H- 










-I— 










• 




u 


• • 






. . . 


• • 




^^ 






o " 






o 








^ 


^ 


"aT 


■£ ■? 


, >-. 


oi <u 


>^ . C" 


• -4-' * 


. 




s 




J3 


cc 


J3 ta 


t- ^^ 3 


3 




.^ 


J, 






a 


S 
a 


"CO 

^ S5 


O 




1 

s 


c 
o 

E 




O 


.h o 


O 

1-1 „ 




. .^ 






OS 
u 

o 




■" 


; o 


o - 

•e 


•a 

tn 
P 


1 - 


:; : :; 


g ^ 

XI o 




:z, 






Oh 


CLh 


Pi 


CD ty^ 




E- H 






APPENDIX B 

I I J I I J I 



3" 



a 






a 


< 


• 


tl, 








o 


V 




-*-* 


■4-' 




rt 


cd 




> 


> 



ii J c 



Oh CU 



U 



a 

OS 

u 

3 



3 
> 

s 



o 

s 



& 




• o 


• 


J3 




o .12 


>^ 


II 


a 


o 

u 


U ^ 




Oh <: 


05 



13 



V 
> 

V 
T3 



3 

w 



05 



"(3 



J3 
Oh 



o 



o 



T3 



bo 
o 
oi 



6 



• 


a. 




o 




J3 


>. 


Crt 


0^ 


^ 




o 

>< 



oa 






ro n 00 M O 

n X r^ tr> ^ 

CO PI CO CO N 



^ '£' o ti t; 

M lO O 3 G 
CO cq cq g g 









•a -o 



(U ID 

3 3 . 

U (U 

13 13 

ba bOM 

Cd Cd D 

13 13^ 






ni 

0) 

O tn 

!^ 3 ^ tS 



3 

"13 
bo bja 

rt (Si 















«i in 3 

" .g lU 

"".^^ 
C« Oh C« 



•&> 



Bi 
U 

a 
o 



• T3 
(U 



^ ^ ■<» (tf (U 

< < ^ pq OP 



•a 
3 



(U 

a, 
o 



ft5 05 



B 

(3 
J3 

O 
J3 



■h 3 






XI 

It 



bfl 

."2 

03 
•a 



U O U fe| W 



a 

g <U 4) 
U X X 



(a 

a, 



3 

-a 



312 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



^ 



C o 





o 


E 


>! 


o 


\-i 


o 


o 


x: 








CS 




CQ 





o 



> 



O 



CAl 



D-i Crt 



.2 

Ph 









•SI 


_o 




• 






crt 


PL, 


• 








Q. 
























3 












E 




• 


a. 




(U 


ar 




lU 




+-» 


•M 






U 




Ki 


Cfl 




rt 


J3 


o 


> 


> 




> 
















u 


Lh 


u 




u 


CQ 


CL, 


CL, 


Pm 




PL, 



. 




o 


• B 










1 ca c 




1 N 


^ 


o 


Ward 
Brigh 
. Acto 


1 


8 




J3 




^^ 


V} 


oi 


kAO ^ 




H lO 


ty. 


CO CI 


o to ^ 


4-J 


CTi ro 




" 


a> t^ ^ 




CO H 

M l-t 


M 


2" 2" 


^ ^ lO CO 

M (-, M M 


u 






(T, 


M- 


CO 


CO M 


t^ 


1^ 


CO 


0^ 


ui a\ 





CO 


M 


M 


CJ c^ 


CO 









53 V) -2 " 
^ o 



•a 






> 



PQ 






<*5 S :? 



m 
•1-+ 



j J3 

ca5 



w 

3 
O 



<u 

E 
"o 



.ts.2 



•n j« 



cu <u 



c - c 



^ o 



ro a, j> 

pq J -^ 

+J +J s^ +j 

cAi M !>) en 



■o 
bx) 



S 



\-t 




(1) 


O 
J3 


(3! 


3 


o 


c 


hfi 


OJ 




>i 


+-> 


^ 


OJ 


H 


^ 


(U 


■4-< 


1 


c 
o 
&. 

3 


«: 


o 


>> 

^ 






w 


c 


1 







J3 
•a 
G 

W2 



(U •" TO 

&|^ 

O CD CD 



c^ S 




OT (D 




— ' □ 




x: _ 




3 -fi •« ■S 




Rothbury 
Shipwash 
Tweedmo 
Tynemoul 
Warenfor 
Warkwor 


u 

S, 
"o 
o 


^ 



APPENDIX B 



313 



M ^ 





1 


J J 




J 


1 1 


1 1 


1 1 J 1 


i J 


1 J 1 




















• c 


8 
1 












c 








fe 


a 



. 1 




. 


<4_ 


1 1 


1 . . . 


1 1 


1 ^^ 


(^ 


J3 








•d 








J3 „ 




{fi 


(U 




(U 






£ 




m m 




IS 


CTJ 




a 




c c S 




'•s « 




J2 

2 


'u 








e 




.2 




< 


Cm 




Pi 


< S 




H H Ci, 




< PL, 






c • 




. 










. 













T3 












•0 


t; >> 

^ 






C3 










*; 


-M 


^ " 1 






X 








<U 


■§ 


1-1 




N 


1 - 


1 1 


1 1 1 1 


1 r 


ti 1 1 


s 

(5 


J3 


05 


i 

•0 






1 < 

a 



1 1 


1 1 1 1 


1 1 


-1 1 




1- 


^' 




^' 


S 








1— > 







CO 




c^ 


10 


VD 


n C7v t^ 


>o 


lo >ri 


<J 


00 


N M 




m 


c>0 N 


VD . 


- 00 VO 


C^ (-- 


a^ m CO 


-Ki 


N 


N (N 




c^ 


n w 


■* - 


- cq hH r^ 


C-> IT) 


CO M ■- 


^ 








M 


M M 


>-< 




S " 


IH M M 


Ci 


















> 






















s 


(U 
















s 's 


■S 

t 


a 

T3 


• • 




a 
13 


• • 


• • 


4-> 






S 


bfl 






T3 






.2 




<« T3 C« 


■a 

.5 

1 




. 3 






C 1- 

rt 

1 § 


3 



rt -a ^ 
"So 


1 ^ 


ill 


Cl 


(Zl 


-M -l-J 




+j 


4J +j 




-(-J -4J -iJ 


■^ -M 


c jj +: 




++ 


(/} Cfi 




cn 


CO CAl 


< 


CO (73 (/! 


*>! C/3 


<! c« c« 




* 


-1— J- 






•<-+ 


































• ■ 


C 



• 




' ' 


'«" 














b 


•a" 


■4-) 


03 






' 


'rt 




•^•^ 


<U nj 


b* . . . 


. ^ 


ffl -1 








c 


■ 1 - 


■s >^ 


a 


-j-> 


1 


3 

J3 










^1 

•5 <fi 


M 

a 3 


2 

'S, ■ • ■ 




CI- c lu 




1 




3 


« g 


1. -■ 


SB 




3 '^ 






J3 

s 


(U 

•a 
CQ 


ra ^ (U 

X ffi 1-1 z 


2: 







J3 <U 

§ 2 

73 CAI 



314 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

IIJI IIJIJ II |J| 






•^ 



a, 
o 

s 





L- >^ 






o <u 






•n . -Q 




+-* 
13! 


g< >^ >. 

o u. a; 




> 


XI o 




1^ 


cq CL, O 


PL, < 



bfl 






1 C 


•J3 1 


rt 


^ 


' T3 



Di 



ID 

"o 
Q 






J> 00 
CO <M 






(U 



M 3 
^^ O 

• x; 
cn IS 



a 
. --■ ^ 



t; to 



W 
c 

XI 

o 



e 

■a 
bjo 



— I a ^5 



e) 



(73 to m O V} '^i V) 






3 
o 



•a 
o 
O 



3 



o 



a 
o 

o 



pa 
a 



o 
■ U 



13 C 

o o 



7n <u 



O ^ O 00 

00 <N CO CO 
IH M CO CO 



. o 

m o „ 



ca 



0) 



,CQ O Ph 



in V) VI in 



XI 

c 

P3 



CQ 



.O 



3 
CQ 



D 

-4-J 

o 
o 



o ca 
o S 

o u o 



(D 



ni 



G XI 
W W ^ 



c 




biO 






i! 

3 


•2 


W 

3 
O 

J3 


4-> 

3 
O 
XI 


u 
3 
XI 

3 










f= 




& 




w 


<M 


CJ 








n 


^ 


•o 






^ 




■h: 


- 





o 



. 


D 




C 




>^ 




Cti 




E 




U( 


1 "^ 


1 <U 








1 u 


>, 


3 


a 


Ol 


m 




ffi 


Ci 


\n Tt 


0^ 


Tj- IT) 


M \D 


CO N 


« ^ 



u 

►s; -«s j2 
cq . . 



o 



en P - Co c« 



CAl 



3 

o 



u 

o 






APPENDIX B 



o <j 
rtC. 



rt C ^ 

Cm C CO 

ON 

^ cn 

-u CO 

m § g " 

- XI 2- 2 



315 



■2-a o?^ 
S "* S c 

" iU3 S 
cm? 

P -c 



nl q 



2IX O 

^ c-a o 
o'z; o N 

n, t. O « 
^^ § 






Q 
< 
H 
Pi 



> 
X 





^ 1 1 


1 

>5 


Private . 


is' 

1 


W. Dalby . 
John de Tole- 

thorpe 




M 00 " 

M a^ 

CO CO CO 

t-l M IH 


a 
,c^ 

1 
a 

Q 

S 

1 


St. Margaret. 
*tSt. JohnEv. & St. Anne 




Casterton, Great . 
Oakham 
Tolethorpei _ 



3i6 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



^^ 



s 
s 



J5 






o 






<: 

a 
■ o 

B 






Di 



T3 
O 

u 
(U 

T3 
£3 



<L> 

n 






O -t^ 



> 

o 

5 



on 

o 

s 



•a 

5? u 

o o 



b/a 

c 



c 

3 

-4-> 

a 

3 






ON 



\0 o J:^ vo 
00 lo CO ^ 

^ 01 CO ^ 



CO M ^ O 

l-l C) M -^ 






-^3 

C5 



iH - — - b t_ 









rt >• ^ 



13 V3 W 



C/3 







m" 


C/3 


CQ 


n 


•V 




>^ 


c 


E 


ca 


J5 

o 


'S 


J3 
O 




S 


1— > 




+j 




> 




>-, 


Ui 




m 


_ 


o 


ca 



5>. 



3 
O 
J3 






a 

c 
o 



-M 3 ^ '~> 

Co • - 

- C/3 CAl C/3 



(^ . 
"^ ffl 

4) C 

O o 



3 

o 

J3 



O CS 

O O 



C« V3 C« W 



5 o 

O .CI 



O 
C 

"O - 



pq 



3 



o 



u ^ 

«} 3 > 

-• -a o -^ 

m D — - '^' 



u 
O 

a, 

2 






u 

3 

en 

CD 
C/) 



APPENDIX B 



317 



'a hn 

D ^ 

■Sod 
2 o .2 

ago 



Q Ph 



•a 
c 
o 
S 

XI 

3 
a! 



CL, 



3 ^ 

IS . 

P Q 



s 

<u 
be 

a 

as 






^ O 



t^ ■s 
2 8 



3 

o • 

<1 o 






c 

O 



<n 



>. 


2 J3 


v^ 





3 


^'S 




R -a 


1 b/j 




■3 .t; 


>- s 


(D XI 


XI 


^^ 



u 



Pi -a 



^ CO 

3 ■-< 

X ." 

o « 

■/> '^ 

ts 'a 

^ S 

O !>. 





-' 




s 


t^ 


IZl 


if 

n 


> 


m 




a 


1 ;■ 




t/l 


IS 


m 










1— 1 


W 


a: 


X 


w 


10 


X 






^ 


X 
+J 




<] 


t/1 


13 


?; 








u 


w 



>,J2 ■ 

OS . 



la's o 
•a ^ ■" 

& . § 

0:2 <; 



3i8 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



H 

W 

C/2 
Pi 

w 
o 



X! 





1 




hJ 




1 




1 


J 




1 


1 


1 


1 




hJ 


1 1 




Lh 












, 




















s 


o 
































sa 










1 










1 


1 








I 


1 


^ 


'u 






























. 


"g 


Oh 








1 






1 




1 


1 








1 


1 


f^ 


o 

S 




.2 

Ph 








5 

P-. 










XI 

< 


= 






0) 

4-> 

> 

'u 
Oh 




u 




. 








. 










H) 








. 




O 




« 




























8 


a 

o 

1 — 1 


2 
e 


o 




1 






1 




1 


1 


1) 

pa 

4-) 

o 

X 


1 




, 


en 


1 


a 

o 

s 


Pi 


1-1 








pa 










X 












O 









(N 




rj- 


+-I 




M 


-i-i 


^ 


rj" 




t^ 


1^ VD 


• 


00 




o 











c 




a^ 


^ 


G 




M 


M (M 


>^ 










in 




(N 


O 




01 


<u 


« 


<u 




M 


(M rj- 


« 




















o 


M 


o 






M 1-1 


Cl 


vj 




^ 


















> 

'<i 


'>< 










. 




>, 


















. 


. 




, 


. 








u 




















-^ 








s" 
























^V3 

"a 










.■^ 


<-* 














• 








<V 




• 




1 


-4-» 

a. 
P5 




C/1 


C 


• 










1 


CO 


B 
o 


b/o 

13! 






^ 1 




c 




O 

o 


_4J 


71 




PQ 








Wl 




>. 




(5 


■5 S 




J3 
O 
1 — > 






3 
O 
J3 




c 

O 
1 — 1 


« 
^ 






3 
O 


3 
O 






b/o 


h| 


^ 
q 


1/2 










5 






C/1 

E 


E 








H-H- 




-t-t- 




< 




^ 


Ol 






< 


5 


++ 




C/5 




-t— 




* 


















* 


*_ 














1 


JD 


. 






. 




, 


, 


. 


. 




. 


. 








a 


s 
































hJ 


o 

O 




VI 
























• 




u 




• 


o 




• 




• 


• 




• 


j3 












O 






5 






















.|> 






^ 






i-T 






en 










m 






1 






"o 




a 
o 


u 

-t-t 




O 

5 






3 






O 






• 






bj3 

□ 


G 


t 


" 


t5 


C 


s 

o 


C 

2 

c3 


* 


n! 




* 




-a 




„ 




J4 




b/j 

."2 


- 


o 

4-1 


o 

-t-J 

13 


o 


:; 


"o 


7) 


:: :; 




a! 








CI 


<D 


'G 




'C 


u 


)-. 






^ 






m 








pa 


m 


PQ 




PQ m u o 




K 


t-H 





APPENDIX B 



!I9 



1 -^ 


^ hJ 


1 1 1 


>. 






u 






3 




. 






. D 



1 <a 




o 












1 o 


• 




1 






s 






>^ 






rt _Q 


U 






•?< 


_o 


-^ 3 




,r" 


^ 






""■ 


"~ 


— ^ ta— 






^-^ 


^ r- 


, 




:" 


>..-:; 






■^ 


" S 








o S 


<!} 




o 


•= 


C 



ig 







o 




tc^ 




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o 




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d 




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320 MEDIyliVAL HOSPriALS Ol' I':N(;LAN1) 

I I J I I I J II I 



Q 
O 






^ 



a. 
o 







u 






V 


I.: 




hn 


■^ 




o 




1 


Crl 








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s 




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crj 



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s 



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Oh 



Ph 





a 




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ui 


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r/; . xi 



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rt 


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d> 


f^- 


v 


m 




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'f^'r^>> 



O 



APPENDIX B 



321 







u 












J 1 


M ^j 1 


1 ^ 


1 


J J 


Jill 










• 






g 


1 




1 1 




1 


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1 1 1 1 


1 


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c 




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•a 


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!^ 


8 


a 
d 
B 

1 W 




1 


1 1 




8 

1 55 II 


1 












s 




XI 


XI J3 


w .S 






<ii 




jD 


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u 






^ 




< 


•93 < 


hAOh 






o» 




tN. \0 


in ^ 4J ti 


N Ol 


„ 


w « 


CI c 


■ 


N 10 


" 00 c 55 


vo a> 


10 


P) c^ 


■5 


CO c^ 


(M « U K 1 


^ " 


M 


ro CO 


1 (U CD 

1 r 


a 


M l-H 


M M " 1 


i-t iH 


IH 


M M 


Cl 




^ G =S > 








13 '> 


8 

.a 

1 

8 


g 1 

+^ ■s -" -S 






!_, 

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•-' en 


. . a . 
Ji 

a. rt 
en m ^ 






erf ^ n3 C 
•S3 c! <U 


13 

CD 

■ (^ 

rt 




1 




1- ^ 

> +-> 4J 5j 




+j 4-) 


+j +j +j -+4 


1 


4-i +J 


;- 0] U 1) ii 

Z C« CL, CU t/3 

4J 4J -M -M 4-J 


J3 1—, 
tn 






c/2 w 


(/) (A cn c/} (/} 


< ++ 


c« c« 


C/3 C/} C/3 •>} 






-1 — 1— -[— 


* 


++ 


++ 






• 


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cij SiO ijo 












■a 


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• 




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6 


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3 




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0000 






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•fi C 








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J3 3 








8 b 




- 




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U 3 






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m pa 




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w 





s 



I 

o 

C/5 



y, 
y. 



322 


MEDIEVAL 


HOSPITALS 


OF 


ENGLAND 




II J J J 


J 1 J 1 1 J 1 




1 


^ 1 






oT 


d 




• 






u 












nJ 


u 






















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+J 








5 




C/5 








1 


II • . 1 


1 II 1 • 1 'S 




1 








J3 J3 








n 'I' 

1) c 

> u 




t/} C/l 


^ aj 






-.^s 


- 


3 S 


< W 






-< 


- u 


^-H 


Ui 


rt 


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s 





<u 












■5 






oj 




Cfl 








J3 (U 

1 -^ III 


1 -o 1 1 1 1 W 


3 



< 


5? 
•S 1 


f2 


1 X III 


1 ~; 1 1 1 1 

C3 


5 


C/3 
-4-1 


1 
U 


^ 






C 

3 






a 

>— > 




■^ t^ 0\ ON -1^ 


lO CTN Tl- VD 






IM M 


^ 


ON CTi Oi C 


M N CO VD 






J:^ Oi 




U ^ H « U 


1 10 ro r^ M 1 M 




1 


CO *N 


« 


M w M 






1 


IH M 


C5 












, 
















■2 


d 






§ oa 




.^ 


. . . C 








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x; 


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4-J 




<^ 


w 15 


-M 




C/2 






t.-^ T3 


Cfl cu 










^^ Vi « (^ 


. "^ . J-- 
>- wi ra '"^ ;:; 




CO 




■S 


^ d u h c 


5 3 C c -^S n^ 




^ 


a V 


1 


h g S 

"<1 <l (/}(/)(/) 


5 S iS ,^ 
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. ^ • . 

^< in in X X 




U 

1 — ) 


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f: 


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"2 ^' 




S5 -g . . 

c« M 


>- -2-^3 




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OK ^ 


(fi ^ i/i 






H H 



APPENDIX B 






^ o 
_: X 



I I 



6 






■f. - 



y; :^. 



^ 


v/ 




^ 


^ 






^ 


Q 


w 




<N 




~i- 








O 


rj 


c> 








,— 





X 






X 





— 


1— 1 


;_, 


i~ -« 


Zj 


"■' — 


o 


G 




;^ 




'y 




'J. 


" ^ 


X 


■^ 


. 


T 








~ — ' 


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^- 






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.ii 


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6 


























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r- 


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>- r; 


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> 


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C «=^ 


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X X X C X - 



X ZL X 



r X — 



5 o ,5 2 i''' ii 






ii; o c u: Z :::: 



u 



24 MEDLEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 





J 


1 


1 




J 


1 


1 J 




J 


J 


iJ 


1 




J 


1 








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fj 














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rt 




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XI 




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> 


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c« 




J3 




'C 












rt 




*Ui 







w 




<I1 




Om 




Q 










> 




CL, 


H 






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3 

IS 




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pq 




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APPENDIX B 



J iJ 



O 



o 



O "C 

O iH 

I. 1) 

it 



c 
c 



lU 
T5 



T3 



o 



00 

o 



0\ o 



^ r^ vo -^ vO 

M M (M (S CO 



(U 

c 
•a 

CIS 



>^ OJ 



c« cn 



a 

en cd 

s« 

.H O j: 



J3 



E • • 
2, ■'3 



O 

J3 






cs 

CI 

o 

(U 






^ m m in m 



o 



a 
o 

s 



ni 
O 

5 

a, 
o 

s 



t^ 01 N CO CO 

I^ O^ a^ IT) U-) 

CI CI C^ PI o 



E 
"o 

J3 



I/! 



C 
O 
U 



CQ 



tn "O 
O 3 



• ■*-' *"* CiH "*"* 

■" w c« U c« 

CAl -I 1- 



3 

PQ 



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1) 



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H 

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c 
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a 



3 

o 

XI 



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o 
o 
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ro 2 



Om Oh OT 



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c 



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4J J3 '^ 

. a. -M J-, 

Em tn 

U lU 

C« ^ ^ 



E 

x: 

■ u 

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Oh S 



o -T 



Mob 



Ph o 



&: 












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n 




U 

c 


^ 


h 


u. 




nt 


K 


u 


s 


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rt 




n 


>r/) 




u 


■ — ■ 


^ 


p.. 


L. 








w 


O 


O 




> 






n1 


OJ 




ifl 




_:L 


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ni 




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d) 


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o 


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^ 


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rs 


o 




o 


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ion 


o 






^r^ 


CO 
ID 


'fl 




fN 




T> 










u 






u 


rrt 




OO 


p 



325 



326 MEDIEVAL llOSPn ALS OF I-INCLANI) 



w 

I — I 

X 

o 

Pi 
> 



y, 



J hj 



0) 



rt u.' O 

.> .0 -c 

Oi CL, > 



3 2 oj .2 






o 



CO 



> 
•"s "2 -a 

H <; K 



o 

CO 



10 " 

W CO 



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m 






in 












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^ ^ 






5 c 


n 


1 1 


TO 


Ci< 




=3 m 












^H 


^ 




t^ 


ON 


o\ a\ 


t-- 


N 


rt- vo 


CO >0 


10 


rl- rj 



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a. 

3 






a 






b/3 
o 
Pi ■ 

W W 



in 

CO 



in 



V 



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in 

s 


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0) 


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f. 


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a 

3 

e 

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John B 
Mary j\ 
Leonar 




H 


3 



(/) 

a 


(n 


u 







w 


LTi W So 




■n- 


++ 





X 










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+ 







m 
a 
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3 



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cu 
J3 



CO C/J W 



bo 
c 



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c 

tu 3 P 

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0) . 73 '1; 
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3 
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ffl 


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s-(^ g. 

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ffl 



Oh t/l ?- Q 



APPENDIX B 



327 



Q 

<: 

Pi 
o 

H 

W 



> 

X 
X 





J 1 J 






>> ■ ?*• 






1 -^.2 






J2 53 »- 






<! • ^ Ph 






en 






O, •;: 




1 

?3 


S >- 

c« XI 




n. 


Oh CA) P-( 




C 








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en 




s 


C w 




l^ 


3 






VD ON 




^w 


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M 10 i-H 




Q 






C| 














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1 






•ii 


• • 




b 


+j 




a 


175 




Cl 


• da • 




K 




•3 "^ « 




.5 


1 S3 S 




'S 


;z;§ J 




ri; 






C) 


m VI m 






Vh 






■ ■ 













S- 






D 'T^ 






• G A 






ni .3 


rt 


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c 


1 


■ ^ 5 




s 


w 


P 




III 






Oh ?S Q 


t; 




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MHlM.l'X'Al. llOSnrAl.S OF l-NC^l.ANI) 

i ►J I J I I I I J I I I I J 



^ 



H 
1-1 



I-' 
X! 






Is 






3 
XI 



CO 



g 

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a 

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b/i 

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cfl 


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3 

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o 



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ro ri r» ri 




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a H 


er, Lc 
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'j" ir,' 



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a 

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C 

9 
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t- 
P 
XI 

S : : 

B 

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APPENDIX B 



329 



1 1 




1 




1 




kJ 


J 


1 






1 


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1 


1 1 




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■n 








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f;; >< ___ M M 1J 

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o - •+■ s ►-■ 

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CI ^ ,■ j_, ^ 

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n ■" -5 X c/) . 

n^' t4^ r^ en -ui 
■ O ^' < <« S 



330 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



W 
W 

o 

o 



> 

x; 

X 







J J i 1 




>-. 


• ■ 




u 






.2 


•^ < • 










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u 


1 


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m 






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cu 




o 


o 




o 


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cn . — 1 

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c2 

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5 1^ 1 


c 

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m 


m 1^ lo -t-^ 


ty 


00 


O lOOO C 


•*>* 


CM 


M (M o ciJ 


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M H M _0 


~S^ 


■^ >J '> 




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c:^ o 

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c^ d — ' 


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o 


a, 



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APPENDIX B 












i 




1 


1 i J 


1 1 1 


1 


1 




1 1 








O 
ifi 


.9 

0) 


, 










1 






T3 


■4-1 












1 


1 




u 

m 
a 
o 


- a a 


1 c 
o 


ta 






ca 










d & & 


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_> 


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> 








+^ 


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o ra 


'n 


'n 




'u 








m 


< H E- 


H O 


Oh 


Cm 




Ph 




















c .« 




















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w 


















1?1 


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1 

8 


1 






i 1 


^ 1 1 


1 


1 




o .-^ 

ca r^ 


f? 






Si 


(D 


< 














^ 


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a 








§ ^ 








o 


a 

^ 


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o 


ro VD M 


00 ^ « 


ON 


c^ 




■* H 


. 


lO 







« 00 0^ 


Oi lO ^ 


00 


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LO CO 




•^ 




(N 


(S (N CO 


CO ^ ^ 


CO 


CO 




HH Cq 


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i 




^j 


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i 








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1 










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1 


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1 




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1 


1 




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1 














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m 






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c« 






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o 


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1 

2 




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u 




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ca 






cog 


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s 




la 
o 


■ 


o Co 


ca I. oi -w 
bxixi b/i 3 

s :§ -5 - 

i: ca .^ o 


J3 

a, 
ca 
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t-i 

m 


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a 





o S « 

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1 


o 

u 


be 




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>-> 


t4-. 

o 

ca 


.S 


a. 
E 
o 






^ 


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s 


CQ 


m 


CQ 


eq o 



331 



332 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

|j II I MjjIII I 



^ 


o 

J3 


Xi 


H 


^ 




< 




F. 




J3 


S 


bt 


> 






m 


u 


CQ 


CL, 



a 
o 
o 
< 



Xi 

< 



e 

J2 



u eg 

P-( w 



a 
o 

X! 

IS 
-a 
o 



o 
■a 

o 



a 
o 



o 



0) 



C3 












00 

CO 



t^ m lo M 

■^ O^ O vO 



CO O 

" I o 



« CO 



■■§< 






O 

J3 



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c 
6 
W 



. 


a 




< 




-M 




CA) 




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> 


^ 


t 


Iv) 


§ 



c« 



T3 

be 



4-. +-. -t^ >^ 



c« 






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rt 



C« C« 



■"' *' rS 

izi cn «5 



•a 
bD . 



*: o 



() 




c 




rt 




h4 


. 


ti 




^ 


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<u 


o 


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n 


o 


o 
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o 

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as 



a 
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c 

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bjo 

D 
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u 
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a o 

2 % 

c c 

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u <u 



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c s 
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o 

1-1 



^ 3 

> I 

2 ^ 

3 3 



P o 
1) 1) . ^ 3 O 



1) 1) i^l^ 3 O — .3 

K X i^ X UJ fci! 



APPENDIX B 



333 









, 


























, 


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ho 




































g 


3 




































d 







































J3 


>-• 





































3 


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1 


1 




1 




1 


1 


1 


1 


1 


1 


Q 


cn 
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■M 






1 




I 




1 


1 


! 


1 


! 


1 


C4-1 






>, 


lU 
































a. 







13 






0) 





























I3i 




> 






-4-1 


























J3 
cn 


> 


1-1 

Oh 


'u 






!-• 




























*n 




Ch 






fc 


























s 


Ph 




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, 


P 


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cn 












cn 






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1 




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1 




u 



a 


1 — > 


1 




m 
cn 

a 
> 
a; 




•a 
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Aldwick 
Adrianso 
Riplingh 


1 


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c^ 




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c^ 












c^ 


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p 


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c 


cn 
















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en 
m 
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in 


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cn 
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e 
o 

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ca 



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^ -t-> S 



r-< M 10 C- 



334 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 





1 


1 


1 J 


1 


i 


hJ 


1 


1 


J 






1 




1 


1 


^ 1 1 




, 






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1^ 





















B 

u 




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u 








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a, 

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u 

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t 


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c3 




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M 


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w 






t^ 







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ro 


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CO 


CO 


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M CO -d- 


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M 


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w 


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++ CA} -I-+ 






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S 





APPENDIX B 



335 



1 1 


1 


1 


1 


1 


1 




1 


J 


1 


i 


1 


1 


J 


1 


1 


1 


1 


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1 1 


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r 


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o 












bfl 




















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3 










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CS 


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3 












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1 


a 


1 






>, 


1 


1 


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1 


1 


1 




1 










1 1 




1 


o 


1 




oT 




1 


1 


52 


1 


1 


1 




1 


aT 








1 1 


c 

* 




en 

IS 




+-1 


-M 


a 
c 






XI 








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ID 
4-> 


c 


3 






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> 




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2 






E 

3 








X! 

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2 


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h 




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cn 


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Thorn 
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s 


eu 




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s 

1 




a 
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C3 

> 


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336 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



^ 



8 



3 
-t-» 
C! 

> 
•X3 



a 
o 



'v- 
o 



Oh 



bn 






3 
O 



c 
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c 
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bo 
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73 
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CQ 



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T3 



c 

■4-1 
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Q 



a! H c« 



SE 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Monasticon Anglicanuin, 

Notitia Monastica. 

Monasticon Dicecesis Rxon. 

Index Monasticus. 

English Minsters, etc., Vol. 11. 

Dictionary of National Biog'raphy. 

Itinerary. 

Calendars of Patent and Close Rolls, Papal 
Registers, Chronicles and Memorials and 
others of Rolls Series. 

Rolls of Parliament, Statutes, Valor Ecclesias- 
ticus. 

Calendar of Letter-books, London. 
Wills 

Royal Wills (Nichols). Testanienta Vetusta 
(Nicolas). 

Hospitals and Asylums of the World [Early 
Systems, etc.]. 

Hospitals of Middle Ages, etc. [Architecture]. 

The Builder. Oct. 1908 to July 1909 ,, 

Catalogue of Seals in British Museum. L 

Studies in Church Dedications. 

County Histories of Durham (Surtees), Leicester 

History of Northumberland, 1893. 

Victoria County History. 

Hedon (J. R. Boyle, 1895), Higham Ferrers (J. 
Hull (G. Hadley, 1788), Newark (C. Brown 
1792), Survey of London (Stow), etc. 



Dugdale. 

Tanner. 

G. Oliver, 1846. 

R. C. Taylor, 1821. 

M. E. C. Walcott, 1879. 

Leland, ed. Hearne. 



R. R. Sharpe. 



H. Burdett. 

F. r. DoUman, 1858. 
Sidney Heath. 
W. de Gray Birch. 
F. E. Arnold-Forster, 1899. 
(Nichols), Wilts (Hoare), etc. 



Cole, 1838), Kingston-upon- 
, 1904), Sandwich (W. Boys, 



339 



340 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



MONOGRAPHS ON HOSPITALS 



Canterbury. 

„ See also 
Chichester, 
Croydon. 
Durham. 
Gretham. 
Kingsthorpe. 
London. 



Portsmouth. 
Salisbury. 

Sherburn. 

Southampton. 

Stamford. 

Wells. 

Winchester. 

Worcester. 
York. 



Bibliotheca Topographica 

Brit, Vol. I, No. xxx. 

Ancient Cities. 

Domus Dei. 

Bib. Top. Brit., II. 

Kepier, etc. 

Collections, 1770. 

Book of the Foundation of 

St. Bartholomew. 

Domus Conversorum. 

„ ,, Rolls House, etc. 

Royal Hospital of St. Katharine. 

St. Mary Roncevall. 

Memorials of the Savoy. 

St. Thomas M. of Aeon. 

Domus Dei. 

Cartulary of St. Nicholas' 
Hospital ( Wilts Record Soc.) 

Collections, 1773. 

God's House. 

Domus Dei. 

Archit, History of. 

Memorials of St. Cross. 

Hospital ,, ,, 

Annals of St. Wulstan's. 

Account of . . . St. Leonard's 
Hospital. 



J. Duncombe and 

N. Battely. 

J. C. Cox. 

H. P. Wrig-ht, 1885. 

Ducarel. 

Surtees Society, Vol. 95. 

C. A. Markham. 
Norman Moore. 

Michael Adler, 1900. 
W. J. Hardy, 1896. 

F. S. Lea, 1878. 
James Galloway, 1907. 
W. J. Loftie, 1878. 

J. Watney, 1892. 
H. P. Wright, 1873. 
C. Wordsworth, 1902. 

G. Allan. 

J. A. Whitlock, 1894. 
H. P. Wrig-ht, 1890. 
J. H. Parker and T. Serel. 
L. M. Humbert, 1868. 
W. T. Warren. 
F. T. Marsh, 1890. 
Raine, 1898. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 



RECORDS, REGISTERS, ETC. 

Camden Soc, 1876, XI, Historical Collections [W. Gregory], 
of Citizen. 

Canterbury and York Society. 

Exeter, Episcopal Registers of. Ed, F. C. Hingeston- 

Randolph. 
Pipe Roll Society. 

Record Soc. of Hampshire (Winchester Ed. F. J. Baigent. 

Registers). 
,, ,, Lincoln. Ed. A. W. Gibbons. 

„ ,, Somerset. 
,, ,, York (Arch. Assn.), Vols. 17, 23. 

Surtees Soc. (York Manual, York Wills, 
Vita S. Godrici, Gray's Register, Chantry 
Surveys, etc.) 

Worcester Historical Society. Ed. J. Willis Bund. 

City Records of Gloucester. Ed. Stevenson, 1893. 

,, ,, Northampton, H. Ed. J. C. Cox. 

,, ,, Norwich Ed. Hudson and Tingey, 

1906. 
, , , , Nottingham. 



HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION 

4th R. — Aynho, Blyth, Brackley, Marlborough, Oxford, Romney, etc. 

Sth and 8th R. — Romney. 

6th R. — Bridport, Hythe, Southampton, Winchester. 

gth R. — Canterbury, Ewelme. 

12th R. — Gloucester. 

14th R.— Bury St. Edmunds. 

1900, Beverley. 1907, Wells, Exeter. 

COMMISSION FOR ENQUIRING CONCERNING CHARITIES 

R. vi.— Bath. R. viii. — Northallerton. 

R. xxxii. , Pt. vi. — London : Bethlehem, St. Bartholomew's, St. Thomas', 



342 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



TRANSACTIONS OF SOCIETIES 



Bristol and Glos. Arch., VIII, XVII (Ciren- 
cester). 

,, ,, ,, XX (Gloucester). 

Clifton Antiq. Club, I (St. Katherine's Hospital). 

,, ,, ,, III (Seals). 

Cumb. and Westm., X (Leper Hospitals). 
Arch. Cantiana, VII (Dover), VIII (Canterbury). 
Arch, .^liana, 1892 (Newcastle). 
Somerset, XVIII, ii. (Taunton). 
W. Salt Arch. Soc, 8 (Stafford). 
Sussex, XXIV (St. Mary's, Chichester). 

„ LI ( „ „ ). 

Wilts, XI (Heytesbury) X, XXVI (Wilton). 
Yorks, XII (Pontefract). 



E. A. Fuller. 

S. E. Bartleet. 
A. E. Hudd. 
R. H. Warren. 
H. Barnes. 

W. H. Knowles. 
T. Hugo. 

T. J. de Mazzing-hi. 
C. A. Swainson. 
A. Ballard. 

R. Holmes 



ON LEPROSY 

Archaeological Essays, II, "On Leprosy and 
Leper Hospitals," etc. 

British Arch. Assn., XI, 1855. 

New Sydenham Soc, Prize Essay. 

History of Epidemics, Vol. I, ch. II. 

Nineteenth Century, 1884, "Leprosy: Present 
and Past." 

Leprosy and Segregation. 

[Cf. Statuts d'hotels-dieu et de Idproseries. 
Les Maisons-Dieu et l^proseries de Paris. 
Un rfeglement int^rieur de L^proserie 

(Noyon) 
Danish Lazar-houses (New Syd. Soc). 
Die Aussatzhauser des Mittelalters. 



J. Y. Simpson, 

ed. John Stuart, 1872. 

T. J. Pettigrew. 

George Newman, 1895. 

Chas. Creighton. 

Agnes Lambert. 

H. P. Wright, 1885. 

L^on Le Grand, 1901. 

„ 1898. 
A. Lefranc, 1889. 

E. Ehlers, 1901. 
E. Lesser, 1896.] 



GENERAL INDEX 



N.B. — Appendix B is not included in tiie following Index. 
For references to Saints see also under Dedications. 



Abbots, 9, lo, 38, 50, 75, 92, 121, 
126, 131, 141, 190, 204, 215-7, 

247 
Abingdon, 37, 205 

almshouse, 120-1, 235, 249 
Abuses, 39, 41, 141, 146, 164, 195, 

ch. XV, ch. xvi, passim 
Acehorne, 70 
Adam Rypp, 83 
Adela, Queen, 73-4 
Admission of Inmates, 39, 41, 52-3, 

55, 59, ch. v\n passim, 127 et sg. 
Aelred of Rievaulx, 50, 251 
Agnes Bottenham, 89 
Alfune, 185 

Alien houses, 208-9, 228, 257, 258 
Alkmonton, 44, 147, 175, 257 
Alms, 41, 54, 64, 75, 78^ 98, 134, 

135, 145, 170, ch. xiii ; oblations, 

197 
Alms-box, i86, 192-3 
Alnwick, 261, 267 
Altars, 85, 128, 152, 162 et sg., 252 
Amis and Amihun, 40, 104-5 
Andrew, St., 191, v. Dedications 
Anthony, St. , 208-9 i ^''^ °^! 49> 

257 ; pigs of, 258, V. Dedications 
Architecture, ch. viii 
Armiston, 175, 203 
Arundel — 

Holy Trinity, ig, 80, 245 
[St. James], 147 
Earls of, 80 



Athelstan, 2, 64, 70 

Augustine, St., v. Dedications, 

Order, Rule 
Aynho, 5, 183, 226, 253 

Baldock, 183 

Bale, Bishop, 72, 193, 268 

Bamburgh, 210 

Banbury, 28, 81, 250 

Barnstaple, 179 

Barstaple, John, 18, 84, 85 

Bartholomew, St., 93, 95, 191, v. 

Dedications, London 
— Anglicus, 43, 61, 65 
Basingstoke, 24, 73, 203, 244 
Bath— 

St. John, 158, 233 

St. Mary M., HoUoway, 34, 124, 
166, 183, 248 

physicians of, 64 

prior of, 34 

waters, 34, 63-5 
Battle, 3, 50 
Bawtry, 123, 124, 183 
Beaufort, Cardinal, 25, 81 
Bee, 5, 267 
Beccles, 46, 64 

Becket, 266, 268, v. Thomas, St. 
Bede-houses, 15, 18, 29 
Bedford, 17 

St. John, 17 n., 175, 225 

St. Leonard, 1S7, 188, 242, 262 
Beere, Richard, 10, 121, 124 



343 



344 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Bc,t,'-K''.'i's, beg-ging— 6, lo, 12-14, 

25. 2^*, S3. 69. "4°, '7°-h 237. 

239. 259 
Bells, 197-9 ! leper's bell, 48, 68, 69 
Benedict, St., v. Dedications, 

Order, Rule of 
Benedict of Canterbury, 65, 266 
Bequests, 33, 154, 164, 172, i8[-^, 

186, 199 ; to lepers, ch. iv, 72, 

79. "04 
Berkeley (Long-bridge), 189, 197-8, 

24s 
Bermondsey, 79 
Berwiek-on-Twecd, 54, 109 
Beverley, 6, 16, 55 

Holy Trinity, 141, 163-4, 234 
St. Giles, 2 n. 
St. Nicholas, 224 
Bidliiigton, 53, [59] 
Bishops, 2-3, 16, 126-7, '^7 ''' *!?■> 

ch. xiv 
Bisset, IMargaret, 74 
Bladud, 63 
Blind, 4, 12, 15, 24, 25, 31, 80, 95, 

98, 156, 229, 231 
Blyth, 8, 44, 254 
Bodmin, 46, 146, 257 
Bolton (Northumberland), 145, 267 
Booi of the Foundation, 77, 92, 

'o6-7. 253 

Boughton-under-Blean, 42 

Brackley, 8,84-5,99, 124, 181,206, 
226, 253-4 

Bracton^ 57 

Brand, 87 

Brentford, fraternity, 246 ; hos- 
pital, 8, 261-2 

Brentwood, 62 

Bridgwater, 5, 27, 122, 153, 159, 
206, 213, 270 

Bridport — 

St. John, 150 

St. Mary M., Allington, 138, 
145, 189 



Briefs, 34, 41, 187 cl sq. 
Brinklow, (Mors), 14, 224, 228-9, 

231 
Bristol, 22, 32, 54, 88, 99 

Foster's almshouse, 1 24, 234, 247 

Holy Trinity, 18, 85, 163 

St. Bartholomew, 19, 65, 8g, 

182, 226, 256 
St. John, 250 
St. Kathcrine, 127, 260 
St. Lawrence, 72, 257 
St. Mark, 125, 127, 149, 166, 
170, 174, 199, 206, 236, 247, 

254-5 
St. Mary M., 147, 198-9, 201, 
252 
Hriwcrr, William, 76 
Brough, 1 1, 197, 246 
Browne, William, 83, (go), 2G9 
Bubwith, Nicholas, 17, 8] 
Burgesses, founders, 78, 81-3, 84 j 
patrons, 16-17, '^' '^3. '7^~3. 
184; pensioners, 17, 42 
Burton Lazars, 37, 63, 122, 179, 

208, 251 
Bury St. Edmunds, 6, 7, 72, 179, 
205, 255 
St. Nicholas, 183, 257 
St. Petronilla, 119-20, 147, 256 
St. Saviour, 75, 183, 245 
lepers, 44, 46, 256 

Calne, 225 
Cambridge, 99-100, 262 

St. John, 73, (127, 168) 

Colleges, 208, 226 

V, Stourbridge 
Camden, 74, 116 
Canterbury, 179, 192-3 

Priests' hos|). , 23, 123 

.St. John, 15,71, 106, log, 124, 
153, '55. i.Sf'. 164-5. 169,(186), 
190, 192, (240), 241, 250 

St. Laurence, 215, 257 



INDEX 



345 



Canterbury — St. Thomas, i, 4, 7, 
8, II, 124. 'S3. 167. i73>(24o). 
245. 265-6 
Abbey, 215, 257 
Archbishops of, 4, 7, 10, 81, 
144, 181, 222, 228-9, 267, V. 
Edmund, St., Thomas, St. 
Priory, Cathedral, 31, 64, 192, 

266-8 (Prior) 154 
■0. Harbledown, Pilgrimage, 
Thanington 
Capelford-by-Norham, 109 
Capgrave, John, 56 
Carlisle, 37, 38, 109, 130, 146, 184, 
218, 242 
Bishop of, 58 
Carpenter, John, 33, 44, 82 
Castle Carrock, 58 
Cathedral foundations, 2, 16, 216, 

233, 256, 264 
Cemetery, burial, 133, 197, 199-200, 

202, cf. 276 
Chantry, 24, 29-30, 232, 234-5, 259 
Survey, 164, 225, 227, 234, 245, 
270 
Chapel, ch. viii, 133, ch. xi, iSo, 
197 et sq. 

ornaments, 163 et sg., 223 
Chatterton, 65-6 
Chaucer, 145 
Chester — 

St. Giles, 184 
St. John, 162 
St. Ursula, 17 
Earls of, 92, 184 
Chesterfield, 257, 261 
Chichele, Henry, 19, 27, 81, 228-9 
Chichester, 179 

St. James, 34, 159, (264) 
St. Mary, 5, 16, 77, 112, 113, 
124, ch. ix, 158, 166, 174, 240 
Bishops of, 34, 162-3, 264, V. 

Richard, St. 
Dean of, 77, 128 



Children, cured, 4, 98 ; maintained, 
22-3, 26-8, 182 

Chroniclers, 15, 20-1, 23, 36, 37, 
40. 48. ,'5°. 52. 56. 60, 64-s, 86, 
92 ei sq., 106-7, 13I1 264-5, '"■ 
Book of Foundation 

Clappers, 68-9, 135, 251, 251 n., 
276 

Clattercot, 147, 179, 205 

Clergy, 77, 205-6, 220-2, v. Mas- 
ters, Priests 

Clist Gabriel, 24, 246 

Clothing, 21, 33, 134-5, 137. 14O' 
IS2> 174-7. 207, 259, 270, 273, 
27s, 276 (habit), 128-9, 131-2, 
141 

Cockersand, 78, 205 

Coke, Lord, 57 

Colchester — 

Holy Cross, 18, 190, 210, 235, 

248-9 
St. Anne, 190 

St. Mary M., lepers, 71-2, 130, 
183, 215, 270 

Colet, Dean, 193 

Colleges, 25, 81, 204, V. Cam- 
bridge, Oxford 

Colyton (Devon), 58 

Commandery, 207, 250 

Compostella, 7, 253 

Constitution, ch. ix, ch. xiv 

Copland, Robert, 12-13, --A 

Corrody, (98 et sg., 104), 213-4, 223 

Council (Lateran), 51, 52, 148, 195, 
200 (Westminster), 195 

Coventry, 12, 80 
Bablake, 116, 245 
Ford's, 121, 156 
St. John, 34 

Crediton, 123, 21 1 

Cricklade, 78 

Cripples, lame, etc. — 6, 8, 15, 25, 
34. 36. 94-6. 98, 99, loi, 156, 223, 
262, 268 



346 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Cromwell, Thomas, 223, 232, 268 

Crowmarsh, 108 

Croydon, 17, 34, go, 120, 137, 140, 

iSS. IS7. 175. 204 
Crusades, 4, 36-7, 73, 76, 79 
Cuthbert, Billingham, 11, (172) 

Darlington, 59, 97 
David, Prince, 50, 251, 260 
Davy, Ellis, (90, 120), 175 
Deaf and dumb, 3-4, 15, 31, 95 
Dedication of Hospitals — 

Alexis, St., 259 

All Saints, 269 

Andrew, St., 255 

Anne, St., 261, 262 

Annunciation of B.V. M. , 246 

Anthony, St., 245, 256-8 

Aug-ustine, St., 258 

Bartholomew, St., 252-3 

Benedict, St., 258 

Bernard, St., 258 

Brinstan, St., 263 

Chad, St., 263 

Christ's, 245, 270 

Christopher, St., 259 

Clement, St., 256 

Corpus Christi, 245 

Cuthbert, St., 263 

David (Dewi), St., 263 

Denys, St., 262 

Domus Dei, 47, 90, 244 

Edmund, K.M., St., 264 

Edmund, Abp. , St., 264-5 

Eligius (Loy), St., 262 

Ethelbert, St., 264 

Gabriel, St., 246 

George, St., 252, 259 

Giles, St., 262 

God's House, 89, 90, 244-5 

Godwald, St., 263 

Helen, St., 248, 261 

Holy Angels, 246 

Holy Cross, 248-9 



Holy Ghost, 245-6 

Holy Innocents, 246-7 

Holy Jesus, 245 

Holy Saviour, 245, 252 

Holy Sepulchre, 248-9 

Holy Trinity, 244-5, 269, 270 

James, St., 252, 253 

John Baptist, St., 244, 246, 
249-51. 254, 266 

John Evangelist, St., 253-4 

Julian, St., 259 

Katherine, St., 260-1, 270 

Laudus, St., 262 

Lawrence, St., 256-7 

Lazarus, St., 249-52 

Leger, St., 262 

Leonard, St., 247, 252, 261-2 

Louis, St., 262 

Loy, St., V. Eligius, St. 

Luke, St., 254-5 

Margaret, St., 245, 260 

Mark, St., 247, 254-5 

Martha, St., 252 

Martin, St., 262 

Mary, St., the Blessed Virgin, 
244, 246-7, 251, 266, 269 

Mary Magdalene, St., 47, 246, 
249-52, 261 

Matthew, St. , 254-5 

Michael, St., 246, 269 

Nicholas, St., 257, 258 

Oswald, St. (Bishop), 263 

Paul, Ap., St., 255-6 

Paul the Hermit, St., 255-6 

Peter, St., 255-6 

Petronilla, St., 255-6 

Roch, St., 262-3 

Stephen, St., 255, 267 

Theobald, St., 262 

Thomas, Ap., St., 255 

Thomas the Martyr of Canter- 
bury, St., 245, 265-9 

Three Kings of Cologne, 246-7 

Ursula, St., 260-1 



INDEX 



347 



Virgins, Eleven Thousand, 261 
Wulstan, St. , 263 

Denwall, 255 

Derby, 179, 218, 261 

Diseases, 36, 49, 54, 62, 63, 93, 150, 
168, 258 
Black Death, 24, 42-3 
dropsy, 4, 36, 265 
elephantiasis, 48, 49, 50 
epilepsy, falling- sickness, 3-4, 

13. 32 
erysipelas, 49, 257 
fever, 4, (86), 253 
insomnia, 92-3 
leprosy, ch. iv, ch. v 
paralysis, 4, 24, 31, 32, 96 
pestilence, 24, 42-3, 45-6, 179, 
222, 257 
Disendowment, 29, 228 et sq. 
Dissolution, 14, 150, 171, 209, ch. 

xvi 
Donnington, 19, 15s, 211 
Dover — 

St. Bartholomew, Buckland, 4, 
37. 130-2. 134. 144. 146, 147. 
159. 174. 183, 252 
St. Mary, 4, ir, 73, 109, 116-7, 
127, ISS. 162. 170-1. 192, 203, 
206, 213, 223, 233 
Droitwich, 216 
Dunstable, 199 
Dunwich, 95 

Holy Trinity, 73, 190, 245 
St. James, 72, 122, 253 
Durham, 6 

Maison Dieu, 11, 172 
St. Mary M. , 123, 163, 203, 215 
Bishops, diocese of, 16, 44, 97, 
123, 170, 185, 233, 253, 264-s 
Prior of, 215, 254 

Eadmer, 15, 106 
Easton Royal, 211 
Edinburgh, 71 



Edmund the Archbishop, St., 162, 

164, 189, 191, 264 
Education, 21, 26-8, 80-1, 151, 226 
Edward the Confessor, 37 

— I, 21, 79, 208, 213 

— II, 60, 213, 216 

— Ill, S3, 80, 208, 214, 220 

— IV, 45, 63, 102, 216 

— VI, 10, 46, 164, ch. xvi 
Eleanor, Queen, 79 
Ellis, Thomas, 83 
Elsyng, William, 24, 81 
Ely, 179 

St. John, no, 152, 220, 233 
Bishop of, 8, 55, 83 
Endowments, ch. vi, ch. xii, ch. 

xiii 
Erasmus, 45, 193 
Eudo, 72 

Ewelme, 19, 27, 34, 80, 88, 90, in, 
120, 140, 151, 157, 161, 163, 175, 
203, 217, 222 
Exeter, 3, 78 

Bonville's, 261, 263 

Grendon's, 120, 182 

Wynard's, 27, 151, 161 

St. Alexis, 107, 108, 259 

St. John, 16, 27, 54, 107, 108, 

163, 199, 254 
St. Katherine, 123-4 
St. Mary M., lepers, 37, 46, 54, 

102-3, 139. 146. 184 
Bishops, diocese of, 24, 26, 38, 
54, 58, 60, 184, 189, 246, 254, 
Mayor of, 102 

Fairs, 72, 182-3, Part II passim 

Famine, 36, 40 

Farley, 209 

Festivals, 164, 169-71, 197-8, 202, 

Part 11 passim 
Finchale, 96-7 
Fitz-Herbert, Judge, 55, 60 
Flixton, 2, 70, 25s 



348 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Food and drink, 33, 41, 84, 128, 
131, 136-7, 139, 185, 223, ch. xii, 
275-6 
Forster, Stephen, 33, 182 
Foulsham, 103 

Founders, ch. vi, 95, 127, 161, 178 
et sg., 236, 237, etc., v. Pa- 
tronage 
France, 261-2 

hospitals in, 86, 114, 209, 227 
kingrs of, 45, 56, 73, 191-2, 262 
lepers in, 56, 72, 86, 147-8, 177, 

i8t 
war with, 80, 99, 109, 208-9 
Francis, St., 50, 52, 69, 148, 209 
Fraternity, 18-19, 25, 186-7, 235, 

246, 256, 259 
Friars, 21, 65-6, 79, 209-11, 227 
Fuller, Thomas, 36, 81, 229, 231-2 
Funds, ch. xii, 225, 229, 238, 242 
Furniture, 117, 134-5, ^7^ 

beds, etc., 8, 117, 134, 135, 137, 

172-3, 180, 276 
utensils, 135, 169, 173, 177, 182, 
276 



Gateshead, 16, 123, 125, 263, 264-5 
Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, 76 

— de Vinsauf, 36 
Gervase of Canterbury, 48 

— of Southampton, 78, 259 
Gilds, 18, 121, 232, 235 
Glanvill, Gilbert, 72, 76, 87 

— Ralph, 75-6 
Glastonbury, 9-10, 234 

St. Mary M., 115, (124), 198, 

{234) 
Women's almshouse, 124, 165, 

(234) 
Abbots of, 9, 10, 121, 124 
Gloucester — 

St. Bartholomew, 73, 109, 127, 

156, 180, 223, 253 



St. Margaret, St. Sepulchre, 

124, 134. 146, 172 
St. Mary M., 123, 200 
lepers of, 55, Dudstan, 179 

Godric, St., 96-7 

Gorleston, 79, 232, 255 

Gower, John, 154 

Grandisson, John, 26, 189, 254 

Gravesend, 180 

Greatham, 16, 152, 156, 165, 233, 
263 

Gregory, St., 143 

— William, 9, 25, 33, 82 

Grendon, Symon, 120, 182 

Grimsby, 10, 262 

Grindal, Edmund, 226 

Guarin, 77 

Gundulf, 50, 71 

Guy de ChauUac, 61, 67 



Hackney, 45, 54, 148 

Harbledown, 37, 40, 42, 63, 71, 
106, 117, 130, 136, 139, 143, 144, 
I4S> 147. '69, 176, 179, i8i, (1S6), 
192-3, (240). 257 

Harting, 183, 250 

Hawaii, 49 

Hedon, 130, 249, v. Newton 

Hempton, 255 

Henry I, 71, 170, 179 

— n, 72, 74, 114, 180, 181, igi, 

(267), 268 

— Ill, 20, 73, 74, 99, 107, 146, 162, 

171, 180, 187, 195, 202, 213, 
256 

— IV, 99, 102, 228, 230 

— V, 100, 102, 222, 228, 230 

— VI, 45, 102, 161, 208 

— VII, 12, 80, 88, 122, 179 

— VIII, 10, ch. xvi, 268; Com- 

missioners of, 171, 227, 232 

— de Blois, Bishop, 75, 86 

— of Lancaster, 80, 82, 85 



INDEX 



349 



Henry de Sandwich, 85 
Hereford — 

St. Anthony, 208 

St. Ethelbert, 16, 264 

St. John, 246 

Leper-hosp., 46, 179-80, 261 

Bishop of, 87 
Hering-byj 204 
Hertford, 211 
Hexham, 5, 41, 130 
Heytesbury, 19, 27-8, 80, 90, 
13s. 140, 151. 156, 160-1, 17s, 
270 
Higham Ferrers — 

Bedehouse, 19, 27, 81, 114, 115, 
13s. 156, 157, 169, 173, 186, 
204 

lepers, 179-80 
HIghg-ate, v, HoUoway 
Hocclive, 181 
Hoddesdon, 256, 258, 262 
Holderness, 2, 70, 75, 219 
Holloway (Middlesex), 35, 102, 

24s. 258, Highg-ate, 45, 102 
Holloway (Somerset), v. Bath 
Holy Land, 7, 76, 104, v. Crusades, 

Jerusalem 
Honiton, 46, 124 
Hooker, Richard, quoted, 244 
Hornchurch, 209, 258 
Hospitality, ch. i, 87-8, 152 
Hubert de Burgh, 76, 171 
Hugh, St., 50-1, 66, 67, 144, 180 ; 

"little St. Hugh," 21 

— Foliot, 87 

— Garth, 78 

— d'Orivalle, 37 

— Pudsey, 75, 170 
Hungerford, 147 ; Lord and Lady 

of, 80 (90) 
Huntingdon — 
St. John, 260 

St. Margaret, 41, 147, 226, 260 
David, Earl of, 50, 251, 260 



Hye Way to the Spyttell lious, 12, 

2SS 
Hythe, 16, 255 

Indulgences, 188 et sg., 248 

Infants maintained, 9, 26 

Ilford, 37, 117, 124, 126, 141, 144, 

14s, 147, 160, 179, 221, 264, 266 
Infirmary, iii et sg., 117, 149, 153, 

154, 162, 167, 250 
Injimii, 48, 179 
Inmates, 15, 22, 90, 145-6, 156, 182, 

239 
named, ch. v, ch. vii, 134, 183, 
etc. 
Insane, 4, ch. iii, 57, 90, 219, 238, 

253 
Inventory of hospital, [17, 163 
Ipswich, 72, 100, 183 
Isbury, John, 162 



Japan, 52, 67 n. 

Jerusalem, 36, 248-50, v. Knights 

of St. John 
Jews, 19-23, 56, 73, 79, 99-100 
John Baptist, St., 163, 206-7, ""■ 

Dedications 
John, King of England, 57, 72, 75, 

78, 86, 183, 784, V. Bale 

— King of France, 191-2 

— of Campeden, 151 

— of Gaddesden, 60, 61 

— of Gaunt, 42, 164 

— Mirfield, 149 
Jurisdiction, ch. xiv 

Katharine of Aragon, 100, 260 
Kepier, 16, 75, 152, 185, 233, 262 
Kingsthorpe, 112, 126, 263 
Kingston (Surrey), 39 
Kingston-upon-HuU — 
Corpus Christi, 245 



350 MEDI/EVAL HOSPITALS OF l<:Nr.LANI) 



K"inf^sl()ii-U| Kill-Hull - 

M.-iison Uicii, 80, .^ifi, .■'"! 
f'rrili-i iiily, iij 

KnK'lilsliriilj,^-, Ho, 10 j 

Knij^-lils of St. John, 101, .io'i 7, 
248, 2.,(, 51 

— oi' St, [.--izariis, 207 -H 
— Ti-m|)l.-u'H, 206 7, 248 
Knollis, Robert, 80 

Lambourn, 162 

Lrmc.'Lsli^r — 

SI. Leonard, 72, 144, i^i"!, 261 
lJiiki:s of, 80, 82, 150, 7'. John 
of Gaunt 

I.anfr.'inc, 50, 7t, 106, 143, 155, 250, 

257 
Langland, 29, 32, 251-2 
L.'iunccston, 242, 261 
l.;iz;ir, 49, 251-2, V. I,i:pi:r 
Lazarus, St., 66, 207-8, v. iJrdica- 

t ions 

— the be^'K-ar, 49, 51, 65, 251-2 
Lechlade, 152, 250 
Ledbury, 5, 197 
L'gislation — 

eeclesiastical, 51, 52, 56, 58-9 
local, 41 ,3, 53, 55, 132, 148, 186 
national, 38, 46, 52, 56-8 
Leicester, 179, 198, 254, 264 

St. Mary, Trinity, 80, 116, 124, 

164, 169, igo, 204, 227, 246 
Wig'ston's hosp., 116, 186, 261 
I*;i.rliament of, v. J*ar]iamf;nt 
Leiand, John, Jlinerary of, 2 n., 
", ly, 22-3,64, 74, 7«, 85, 1 1 J, 
115, ir6, 122, 156, 224, 225, 247, 
2SS. 259. (263), 269 
Lent on, 187, 257 

Leper-houses, ch. iv, 1 17-9* pwr.ini 
Lr pers, 4, ch. iv, eh. v, 130 /■/ .w/. , 

•43-9. '^'1 V, '72, '73, '7S 7, 
179-80, 184, 2og-)0, 262, ete., 
273-6 



I h;i.rily lo, 37, \ h. v, 1 h. vi, 

209- 1 a 
exaiiiiii.'il loll of, .\\, 59 63 
cxpiiisioii of, 52 <■/:•(/., I h. vii, iK'i 
illusli.ilioiis o(, ,)7, 59, 1,.), 68, 

177, iKo 
l;iws, 52 ('/ s</., V, Legisl.-ition 
m;i.rried, 58, 102, 103, ^^'l 5, 

■47 «, 27.'? 
mir.'teiiloiis enres, 64, 97 8 
named, 36, 37, eli. v, 74, ell. vii, 

134, 141, 148, 201 
serviei-.sfor, 67, 159 60, rgg-201, 

203, 273 6 
Leprosy, supra -- 

eont.'igion, 51-2, 98, 136, 275-6 
decline of, 28, 3.1, 36, 42-7, 226 

exti:nl , 35 6 
Lewes, 37, j 12, 233 
Liehfield 

Sf. John, 28, 81, 124, 162 

Bishop of, 28, 81, 162 
Lincoln, 38 

Holy Innoeentfl, lep'-rs, 37, 39, 

4,S. .S'. 7'> '"" 2. '.y. <^^-l< 
179, /80, 187, 203, zoS, 247 

SI. Giles, 24, 163 
SI. K.-ilherlni;, 26, 205 
SI. Si:ptilehre, 26, 205 
Bishops of, 58, 60, 71, 187, 202, 
V. Hugh, .St., Kfjberl Orosse- 
fi'^le 
Calhedral, 163, 187-8 
Jew.f of, 21, 'f) 
IJng'erserofI, f>eak, 183, 205 
l.omlon, 6, 12 14, 31, 32, 43, 53, 
f48, 205 
Berllam, V. SI. Mary of Bilh 

lehi:rn 
Homus Convers^irum, 19 23, 

73. T), V) ">"< '"7. 247 
ICIsyng Spilal, 24, 82, 150, 206, 

247 
Papcy, 25, 258 



INDEX 



351 



Queen's hosp. , 180 

SI. Anthony, 208-9, 257-8 

SI. Bartholomew, ch. i passim, 

31 , 76, 77, 82, 85, 86, 92 ct sq. , 

98, 106-7, 114, 122, r49, 156, 

180-:;, 185, 205-6, 236-40, 248, 

253 
St. Giles, Holborn, 38, 42^ 45, 

71, 73, 107, 145, 148, 179, 208, 

262, 270 
St. James, v. Westminster 
St. Katharine-by-the Tower, 25, 

27, 72, 79, 152, 260 
St Mary of Bethlehem, 32-4, 

186, 210, 238-9, 247 
St. Mary without Bishopsgate, 

5, 8, 78, 156, (205), 236-7, 

247 
St. Mary of Roncevall, 209, 

247 
St. Paul's almshouse, 16, 256 
St. Thomas of Aeon, 207, 248, 

266, 268 
St. Thomas, v. Southwark 
Savoy, 12, 80, 88, 121-2, 150, 

'73. 233i 240 
Whittington's almshouse, 82, 

17s 
Bishops of, 37, 38, 77, 126. 141, 

144, 160, 240 
Cathedral, St. Paul's, 16, 94, 

256 J Dean of, 141 
Jews, V. Domus Conversorum 
Lepers in or near, 42-3, 45, 47, 
S3. 55. 62, 138, 148, 179, 186, 
V. St. Giles (sii/irn), Hackney, 
Holloway, Knightsbridge, 
Mile End, Westminster 
Lord Mayor, citizens, 6, 34, 
4'--'. 52.53. 138, 238 
Long SIdw, 78 

Louis, .SI,, 73, V. Dedications 
Ludlow, 18, 120 
Lunatics, 4, cli. lii, 90, 219. 253 



Lutterworth, 225 
Lydd, 45, 55 
Lyme Regis, 1 19, 246 
Lynn, lepers of St. Mary M., 16, 
77. '34. 136, 170 



Madmen, v. Insane 

Maiden Bradley, 74, 147, 179, 181, 

182, 205, 254 
Maison Dieu, 29, 72, 244, etc. 
Maldon, 42, 168, 179 
Mallardry, 51, 53, 100, 192 
Manual (Sarum), 175, 273 
Margaret of Scotland, St., 71, 260 
Marlborough, 171-2, 235-6 
Master (Warden, etc.), 21, 27, 78, 

no, 1 16, ch. ix, ch. x, 161, 164, 

174, 182, 196, 198, 203, 204, 248, 

ch. xiv. 
Matilda of Boulogne, 72 

— the Empress, 72, 170 

— V. Maud 

Matthew Paris, 20-21, 23, 86, 107, 

131, 264-5 
Maud, Queen, 50, 71, 86, 107, 

179 
Maundy Thursday, 73, 170 
Medical writers — 

Bartholomew, 43, 61, 65 
Gordon, 61 

Guy de Chauliac, 61, 67 
John of Gaddesden, 60, 61 
John Mirfield, 149 
Medicine, 64, 65, 149-50, 238 
"Meselle,''48, 57, 69, 105, v. Leper 
Mile End, 46-7 
Miracles of healing, 3, 64-5, 92 et 

*?•. 97. 98. '02, 267-8 
Monasteries, 3, 11, 41, 50, 57, 74, 
75. 78. 97. 122, 131, 204 et sq., 
215-6, 227-8, 232, 233, 234, 256, 
266, V. Abbot, Alien Houses, 
Prior 



352 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Newark, 50, 63, 179 

Newbury — 

St. Bartholomew, 72, 183 
St. Mary M., 147 

Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 19 
St. Katherine, (83), iio-i 
St. Mary B. V., 164, 206 
St. Mary M., lepers, 44, 46 
Mayor of, 44, 83 

Newport (Essex), 179, 183, 247 

— (Isle of Wight), 258 

— Pag-nell, 181, 254 
Newstead, 206 
Newton Bushell, 46 

— Garth (Holderness), 75, 183, 219, 
221, V. Hedon 

Nicholas of Farnham, 16, 123, 

264-s 
Norman period, 3, 37, 109, 123, 

199 
Northall erton — 
almshouse, ii 
St. James, 16, no, 153, 167, 233, 

253 
Northampton, 179, 181 

St. John, i6, 77, 116, 124, 203, 

251. 254 
St. Leonard, 203, 261 
Norwich, 78, 180, 255, 256, 258 
St. Giles, 24, 27, 77, 85, 114, 

120, 127, 156, 164, 170, 181, 

182, 233, 240, 261, 262 
St. Paul, 203, 256 
St. Saviour, (78), 245 
Bishops of, 77, 85, 104, 267 
lepers, 55, 103, 104 
Nottingham — 

Plumptre's almshouse, 188, 203, 

246 
St. John, 16, 126, 128, 133, 137, 

143, 153- 198 
St. Leonard, 261 
St. Sepulchre, 249 
Nurses, 153-4, v. Sisters, Women 



Oakham, 124, 129, 261 

Offices, 1'. Services 

Order of — 

Holy Sepulchre, 205 

Holy Trinity, Maturin, 210-11 

Mendicant, 209-11 

St. Anthony, 208-g, 257-8 

St. Augustine, 152, 205-6, 258 

St. Benedict, 174, 206 

St. Gilbert, 26, 205 

St. John of Jerusalem, 206-7, 

249-50 
St. Lazarus, 207-8, 251 
St. Mary of Bethlehem, 210 
St. WiUiam, 209 
The Temple, 206-7, 248 

Orphans, 26, 90, 100, 239 

Ospringe, 73, 99, 192, 196, 213, 
219 

Oswald, St., 70, V. Dedications 

Oxford, 61, 108, 155, 179, 222, 256 
Domus Conversorum, 22, 73, 99 
St. Bartholomew, 38, 39, 71, 
118, 123, 133, 143, 145, 146, 191, 

242, 252-3 
St. John, 1,5,73, (86), 107, III, 
•27, 152, 155. 168, 171, 202, 
213-4, 219 
Colleges, 24, 81, III, 127, 149- 
50, 191, 226 

Pardoner, 153, 189 

Parliament, 29, 38, ig6, 214, 216, 

221, 225, V. Statutes 

of Leicester, 8, 15, 31, 34, 70, 
178, 194, 212, 228, 244 
Patronage, 212-7, '"■ Founders — 

Cathedral, 15-6, 216, 256, 264 

Crown, 71, 130, (146), 202, 216, 
217, 232-3, 261 

Episcopal, 15-6, 179, 183, 216, 

233 
Town, 15-17, 73, 130, 163, 172-3, 

235-40 



INDEX 



353 



Penalties, 54, 55, 138 ei sg., i6i, 

163 
Pestilence, v. Diseases 
Peter, Bishop of Winchester, 76, 86 

Chaplain, 77 

Mayor of Winchester, 62 
Peterborough, 50, 63, 205, 266 

lepers, 50, 180 
Philip, Bishop of Durham, 16, 253 
Philippa, Queen, 217 
Physicians (leech, surgeon), 4, 59- 
67. 149-50. 2'8, 230, 237, 26s, 
V. Medical writers 
Pilgrim, ch. i, 65, 71, 78, 167, 190- 
2, 205, 207, 249, 265 

poem called, 5 

sign, 265 
Pilgrimage, ch. i, 31, 190 et sg., 
197, 203, 249 

Bury St. Edmunds, 6, 7 

Canterbury, 1, 4, 7, 10, 11, 64- 
5, 96, 98, 191-3, 265, 268 

Compostella, 7, 253 

Finchale, 96-7 

Glastonbury, 9-10 

Holy Land, 4, 7, 36, 104, 250 

Rome, 1, 3, 7, 8 

Walsingham, 5, 7 
Pipe Rolls, 48, 178-80 
Plumptre, John, 188, {203) 
Plymouth, 146 
Pole, Alice, 80, 85, (90), 161 

Michael, 80, 246, 269 

William, 80, 161 
Pontefract — 

KnoUes' hospital, 27, 80 

St. Nicholas, 2n., 150, 170, 175, 

217, 221, 234 
Pope, 7, 58, 59, 87, 146, 188, ch. 

xiv, 221, 260 
Portsmouth — 

God's House, 104, 113-4, 123, 
125, 199. 221, 233, 269 

[St. Mary M.], 109 

23 



Potyn, Symond, 137, 160 
Poverty, 14, 29, 40, 239, v. Beggars, 

begging 
Prayers for benefactors, 29, 70, 82, 

86, 88, 131, 160, r6i-2 
Preston, 150 
Priests (chaplains, etc.) — 

hospital staff, 19, 115, ch. 
X, 174-S, 211, 224, V. Clergy, 
Master 
parochial clergy, 17, 58-60, 67, 
78, 103, 130, 137, 187-8, 197-8, 
204, 211, 273-6 
leprous, 58-9, 91, 103, 256 
sick and poor, 23-5, 32, 156, 
213-4, 219-20 
Prior, 76, 130, 154, 199, 204, 205, 

215-6, 221, 254 
Proctor, 46-7, 96, 14s, 152-3, 186, 

187, 189 
Puckeshall, 99 



Racheness, 183 

Rahere, 76, 77, 85, 86, 95, 106, 185, 

(248), 253 
Ranulf Flambard, 16, 75 
Reading — 

St. John, 25, 128, (205), 226 
[St. Mary M.], lepers, 136, 139, 

146, 176 
Ellas, monk of, 64-5 
Reformation of hospitals, 34, 194-5, 
212, 221, 222, 226, 229, 236-9, V. 
Visitation 
Reginald of Durham, 52, 60, 96-7 
Relics, 190-3, 255, 256, 260, 263, 
264 
of Holy Cross, 95, 190, 210, 

248-9 
of St. Bartholomew, 93, 191, 

253 
Richard, St., 162, 264 

— I. 36, 72, 76. 207 



354 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 

99, 104, 210, 



Richard II, 42, 79, 
214, 267 

— Orenge, 102-3 
Richmond, 179 
Ripon — 

St. Anne, 115, 165, 261 
St. John B. , 124 
St. Mary M., 5, 41, 124, 165 
Robert GrossetSte, 99, 126 

— de Meulan, 83 

— de Stichill, 16 
Roche, 104 
Rochester, 153 n. 

St. Bartholomew, 32, 37, 39, 71, 
123, 124, 144,(179), 196,(199), 

252-3. 271 
St. Katherine, 17, 39, 137, 160 
St. Nicholas, 39, 102 
Bishops of, 71, 76, 87, 255 
infirm, lepers, 39, 71, 102, 179, 

192 
Roger of Hoveden, 37 

— Earl of Winchester, 84 
Rome, 1, 3, 7, 8, 86, 188, 221, 245, 

2S3i 256, 257, V. Council, Pope 
Romney, 45 ; leper-hospital, 148, 

188, 226, 267 
Romsey, 187 
Royston — 

SS. John and James, 253 
St. Nicholas, 39, 183, 257 
Rule of religion, 126, 131, 220, v. 
Orders 
of St. Augustine, 152, 174, 205- 

6,258 
of St. Benedict, 174, 206 
Rye, 17, 209 

Sacraments, 143-4, '9^1 201, 203, 

274-5 
St. Albans, 6 

St. Julian, lepers, 40, 68, 117, 
131. i34> 136, 168, 175, 176, 
179. 215, 259 



St. iVIary, 215 

Abbot of, 40, 126, 131, 214-S 
St. Neot (Cornwall), 58-9 
Salisbury — 

Holy Trinity, 8, 26, 33, 89, 165- 
6, 24s 

St. Nicholas, 5, 16, 113, 114, 
124, 129 

Bishop of, 16, 86, 114, 126, 262 

lepers, 181 
Salt wood, 179 
Sampson, Abbot, 75 
Sandon (Surrey), 206, 245 
Sandwich, 17 

St. Bartholomew, 19, 85, 123, 
124, 129, i6o, 163, 168, 169, 
171 

St. John, 11-12, 15s, (157), 163, 
168, 172-3, 185 

St. Thomas, 83 

lepers, 44 
Sarum, Use of, 3, 273 
Saxon period, 2-3, 37, 63-4, 70-1 
Scarborough, 16, 37, 91 
Schools, 22-3, 26-8, 151, 226 
Scotland — 

lepers in, 56 

war with, 41, 99, loi, 109, 218 
Seaford, 253 

Seals, 18, 47, 93, 103, 107, 108, 147, 
152, 178, 180, 205, 208, Part II 
passim 
Seamen, 9, 19, 88-9 
Sedgefield, 96 
Services, 67, 140, 143-4, '5i> ch. xi 

of admission, 128-9, i3'-2 

at seclusion, 104, 134, 136, 273-6 

at expulsion, 141 
Seven Works of Mercy, 88, 90, 237 
Sherborne (Dorset) — 

St. John, 115, 166, 224, 250, 254 

St. Thomas, 255 
Sherburn (Durham), 44, 48, 75, 109, 
117, n8, 119, 123, 124, 136, 139, 



INDEX 



355 



HSi '47. ch. xi, ch. xii, 202, 233, 
242-3. 252 
Shoreham, 253 
Shrewsbury — 

St. Chad, 201, (204), 263 
St. George, 259 
St. Giles, lepers, 179, 184, 187, 
270 
Shrines, v. Pilgrimage, Relics 
Simon Fitz-Mary, 247 
Sisters, 99, loi, 136, 142, 146, 147, 

152-6, 168-9, 233, V. Women 
Skirbeck, 207 
Smyth, Bishop, 28, 81, 162 
Soldiers, 8, 9, 13, 99 
Southampton — 

God's House, St. Julian, 11, 78, 
125, 168, 178, 206, 221, 259 
St. Mary M., lepers, 16, 180, 
184 
Southwark, St. Thomas, 22, 82, 

154, 156, 206, 236-40, 266, 268 
Sparham (Norfolk), 60 
Spital-on-the-Street, 264 
Spondon, 200, 208 
Springs, Healing, 31, 63-4 
Stafford— 
"St. John, 108 
[St. Sepulchre, Retford], 40-1 
Staindrop, 25 
Stamford — 

Bede-house, 29,83,90, iii, 115, 

124, 165-6, 186, 269 
SS. John and Thomas, 5, (87), 

217, 266 
St. Sepulchre, 249 
Statutes, 8, 194-6, 212, 214, 225, 
227, 234, V. Legislation, Parlia- 
ment, Vagrancy 
of hospitals, 7, 34, 38, 77, 132 
etsg., 143, 147, 151, 154, 157, 
217, 2i8, etc. 
Stephen, St., igi, v. Dedications 
— King, 57, 72, 75, 206, 261 



Stephen, Archdeacon, 211 
Stoke-upon-Trent, 225, 262 
Stourbridge, 123, 179, 182, 248 
Stow, John, 69, 233, 239, 247 
Stratford-on-Avon, 24, 235, 249 
— Stony, 181 
Strood, 4, 72, 76, 206 
Stubbes, Philip, 30 
Stydd by Ribchester, 207 
Sudbury, 42, 130, 242 
Supplication of Poore Commons, 14, 

231 
Swinestre, 183 



Tamworth, 123 
Tandridge, 205 
Taunton, 235 

St. Margaret, Spital, (?98), 121, 
245-6 

monk of, 97 ; prior of, 52, 98 
Tavistock, 259, 262 
Testament of Cresseid, 66, 105, 135, 

177 
Thame, 19, 259 

Thanington, St. James (Canter- 
bury), 146, 147, 154, 192, 198 
Thetford— 

St. John, 183, 250 

St. Mary, 5, 259 
Thomas the Martyr, St., 4, 1S9, 
244, 249, V. Dedications 

Jubilee of, 7, 10 

miracles of, 65, 96, 98, 267-8 

relics of, 64, 192-3, 265 

shrine of, 4^ 31, 266-8, v. Pil- 
grimage 

sign of pilgrimage, 265 
Thornton, Roger, 83, iii 
Thrapston, 168 
Thurlow, 209 
Tiverton, 124 
Tong (Salop), 204 
Torrington (Taddiport), 124 



356 MEDIEVAL HOSPITALS OF ENGLAND 



Towcester, i8i 
Tweedmouth, 270 

Vagrancy, 6-7, 10, 13, 14, 28, 171, 
227, 239 

Visitation of hospitals (inquisi- 
tions), 33, 41, 132, 138, 150, 173, 
I74> 19s. 202, 218 

Voltaire, quoted, 36 

Wallingford, 16, S7 
Walsingham, 5, 7, 103 
Walsoken, 245 
Walter de Lucy, 50 

— de Suflfield, 77, 85 (164, 182) 

— Archdeacon, 77 

— Vicar, 78 
Warden, v. Master 

Warwick, St. John, 246 ; St. 
Michael, 225 

Wayfarers, ch. i, 70, no, 167, 171, 
206, 207, 211, V. Pilgrim, Va- 
grancy 

Well, lepers', 63, 104, iig, 276, v. 
Springs, Healing 

Wells, 158 

St. Saviour, Bubwith's, 17, 81, 

114. "S. 124. 151 

Bishops of, 76, 81 
Westminster, 6, 53, 79, 122 

St. James, 43, 73, 147, 150, 182, 
188-9, 233 

Council of, 52, 72 

Statute of, 7 
West Somerton, 76, 215 
Whitby, 75, 92, 246, 264 
Whittington, Richard, 82-3, 175 
Whittlesea, 83 
William, Dean, 77 

— Earl of Albemarle, 75 

— Earl of Salisbury, i8i 

— of Canterbury, 64-5 

— de Monte, 51-2 

— of Wykeham, 81, 151 



Wills, of benefactors, v. Bequests, 

of inmates, 133, 134 
Wilton, 17 

St. Giles, 73, 99, 125(181), 262 
St. John, 124, 181, 205 
Wimborne^ 124, 166 
Winchcomb, 225 
Winchelsea, 17 
Winchester, 3, 263 

St. Cross, 75, 81, 86, no, 121, 

122, 125, 151, 166, 169, 170, 

171. 17s. 207, 216, 221, 240, 

248 

St. John, 81, no, 124, 178, 187, 

23s. 241 
St. Mary M., lepers, 118, 119, 
134. 146, 168, 179, 241, 
251 n. 
Bishop of, 187, 206, 216, 221, V. 
Beaufort ; Henry ; Peter ; 
William of Wykeham 
Earl of, 84 
Mayor of, 62, 81 
Windeham, 24, 264 
Windsor, 180, 258 

lepers of, 179, 226 
Wolsey, Cardinal, 229, 232 
Women — 

inmates, 8-9, 12, 13, 25, 26, 33, 
74, 82-3, 90, ch. vii, 132, 139, 

146, 147. 176 
on staff, 139, 14s, 147, 152 et 
sg., 168-9, 173, 174 
Woodstock, 73, 147 
Worcester — 

St. Oswald, 2,48,70^ 122, 199,263 
St. Wulstan, 2, 24, 70-1, 98, 

no, 172 
Bishop of, 127, 202, supra 
Wulstan, St., 2, 24, 70-1, 86, 98, 

V. Dedications 
Wycomb, High [St. John], 123, 

183 [St. Margaret], 183 
Wynard, William, 161 



INDEX 



357 



Yarmouth, i86, igo 
Yeovil, 259 
York, z, 3, 12, 72, 80 
Holy Trinity, 245 
Monkbridg-e, 134 
St. Leonard or St. Peter, 2, 26, 
70, 72, g6, 110, 152, 154-6. 162, 
170, 172, 174, 178, 180-1, 184-S, 
igg, 204, 214, 216, 222-3, 232, 
242, 256, 261 
St. Loy, 262 



St. Mary, Bootham, 24 

St. Nicholas, lepers, 28, 39, 

"7. 132. 138. 145-6, (lyo), 

174, 203, 218, 232 
St. Peter, v. supra 
St. Thomas, 235 
Archbishop of, 41, 126, 130, 153, 

183, 197 
Dean of, 24, 26, 216 
Minster, iS, 26, 216 



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44 



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6s. 



Fiction 



45 



Walford (Mrs. L. B.). MR SMITH. 

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THE BABY'S GRANDMOTHER. 

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TROUBLESOME DAUGHTERS. Medium 

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Syd Belton : Or, the Boy who would not go 
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Fourth Edition. 
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Second Edition, 
There was once a Prince. By Mrs. M. E. 

Mann. 
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Mann. 



46 



Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue 



The Novels of Alexandre Dumas 

Medium %vo. Price 6d. Double Volu?>ies, is. 



ACTfi. 

The Advemtures of Captain Pamphile. 

Amaurv. 

The Bird of Fate. 

The Black Tulip. 

The Castle of Eppstein. 

Catherine Blum. 

Cecile. 

The Chevalier D'Harmental. (Double 

volume.) ij. 
Chicot the Jester. 
Conscience. 
The Convict's Son. 
The Corsican Brothers ; and Otho the 

Archer. 
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DoM GORENFLOT. 

The Fatal Combat. 

The Fencing Master, 

Fernande. 

Gabriel Lambert. 

Georges. 

The Great Massacre. 

Henri de Navarre. 



H^LfeNE DE ChAVERNY. 

The Horoscope. 

Louise de la Valli^re. (Double volume.) 

zs. 
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volume.) I J. 
MaItre Adam. 
The Mouth op Hell. 
Nanon. (Double volume.) ij. 
Pauline ; Pascal Bruno ; and Eontekoe. 

PfeRE LA RUINE, 

The Prince of Thieves. 

The Reminiscences of Antony. 

Robin Hood. 

The Snowball and Sultanetta. 

Sylvandire. 

Tales of the Supernatural. 

Tales of Strange Adventure. 

The Three Musketeers. (Double volume.) 

If. 
The Tragedy of Nantes. 
Twenty Years After. (Double volume.) u. 
The Wild-Duck Shooter. 
The Wolf-Leader. 



Methuen's Sixpenny Books 

Medium Zvo. 



Albanesi (E. Maria). LOVE AND 

LOUISA. 
I KNOW A MAIDEN. 
Anstey (P.). A BAYARD OF BENGAL. 
Aasten(J.). PRIDE AND PREJUDICE. 

Bagot (Richard). A ROMAN MYSTERY. 
CASTING OF NETS. 
DONNA DIANA. 

Balfour (Andrew). BY STROKE OF 
SWORD. 

Baring-Qould^S.). FURZE BLOOM. 
CHEAP JACK ZITA. 
KITTY ALONE. 
URITH. 

the broom squire. 

in the roar of the sea. 

no£mi. 

A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated. 

LITTLE TU'PENNY. 

WINEFRED. 

THE FROBISHERS. 

THE QUEEN OF LOVE. 

ARMINELL. 

Barr (Robert). JENNIE BAXTER. 
IN THE MIDST OF ALARMS. 
THE COUNTESS TEKLA. 
THE MUTABLE MANY. 

Benson (E. P.). DODO. 
THE VINTAGE. 

Bronte (Charlotte). SHIRLEY. 



Brownell (C. L.). THE HEART OF 

JAPAN. 
Burton (J. Bloundelle). ACROSS THE 

SALT SEAS. 
Caffyn (Mrs.). ANNE MAULEVERER. 
Capes (Bernard). THE LAKE OF 

WINE. 
Clifford (Mrs. W. K.). A FLASH OF 

SUMMER. 
MRS. KEITH'S CRIME. 
Corbett (Julian). A BUSINESS IN 

GREAT WATERS. 
Croker (Mrs. B. M.). ANGEL. 
A STATE SECRET. 
PEGGY OF THE BARTONS. 
JOHANNA. 
Dante (Alighieri). THE DIVINE 

COMEDY (Cary). 
Doyle (A. Conan). ROUND THE RED 

LAMP. 
Duncan (Sara Jeannette). A VOYAGE 

OF CONSOLATION. 
THOSE DELIGHTFUL AMERICANS. 
Eliot (Qeorge). THE MILL ON THE 

FLOSS. 
Pindlater (Jane H.). THE GREEN 

GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE. 
Gallon (Tom). RICKERBY'S FOLLY. 
aa8keII(Mrs.). CRANFORD. 
MARY BARTON. 
NORTH AND SOUTH. 



Fiction 



47 



flerard (Dorothea). HOLY MATRI- 
MONY. 
THE CONQUEST OF LONDON. 
MADE OF MONEY. 

QissingCQ). THE TOWN TRAVELLER. 
THE CROWN OF LIFE. 

Qlanville (Ernest). THE INCA'S 

TREASURE. 
THE KLOOF BRIDE. 

aieig (Charles). HUNTER'S CRUISE. 
Grimm (The Brothers). GRIMM'S 
FAIRY TALES. 

Hope (Anthony). A MAN OF MARK. 

A CHANGE OF AIR. 

THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT 

ANTONIO. 
PHROSO. 
THE DOLLY DIALOGUES. 

Hornung (E. W.). DEAD MEN TELL 

NO TALES. 
Ingraham (J. H.). THE THRONE OF 

DAVID. 
LeQueux(W.). THE HUNCHBACK OF 

WESTMINSTER. 
Levett- Yeats (S. K.). THE TRAITOR'S 

WAY. 
ORRAIN. 

Unton (E. Lynn). THE TRUE HIS- 
TORY OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON. 

Lyall (Edna). DERRICK VAUGHAN. 

Malet (Lucas). THE CARISSIMA. 
A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION. 

Mann (Mrs. M. E.). MRS. PETER 

HOW.\RD. 
A LOST ESTATE. 
THE CEDAR STAR. 
ONE ANOTHER'S BURDENS. 
THE PATTEN EXPERIMENT. 
A WINTER'S TALE. 
Marchmont (A. W.). MISER HOAD- 

LEY'S SECRET. 
A MOMENT'S ERROR. 
Marryat (Captain). PETER SIMPLE. 
JACOB FAITHFUL. 

Marsh (Richard). A METAMORPHOSIS. 

THE TWICKENHAM PEERAGE. 

THE GODDESS. 

THE JOSS. 

Mason (A. E. W.). CLEMENTINA. 

Mathers (Helen). HONEY. 
GRIFF OF GRIFFITHSCOURT, 
SAM'S SWEETHEART. 
Meade (Mrs. L. T.). DRIFT. 
Miller (Esther). LIVING LIES. 

Mitford (Bertram). THE SIGN OF THE 
SPIDER. 



Montresor (P. F.). THE ALIEN. 

Morrison (Arthur). THE HOLE IN 
THE WALL. 

Nesbit (E.) THE RED HOUSE. 

Norris(W. E.). HIS GRACE. 

GILES INGILBY. 

THE CREDIT OF THE COUNTY. 

LORD LEONARD THE LUCKLESS. 

MATTHEW AUSTIN. 

CLARISSA FURIOSA. 

Oliphant (Mrs.). THE LADY'S WALK. 
SIR ROBERT'S FORTUNE. 
THE PRODIGALS. 
THE TWO MARYS. 

Oppenheim (E. P.). MASTER OF MEN. 

Parker (Qilbert). THE POMP OF THE 

LAVILETTES. 
WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTI AC. 
THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD. 

Pemberton (Max). THE FOOTSTEPS 

OF A THRONE. 
I CROWN THEE KING. 

Phillpotts (Eden). THE HUMAN BOY. 
CHILDREN OF THE MIST. 
THE POACHER'S WIFE. 
THE RIVER. 

'Q' (A. T. Quiller Couch). THE 

WHITE WOLF. 

Ridge (W. Pett). A SON OF THE STATE. 

LOST PROPERTY. 

GEORGE and THE GENERAL. 

ERB. 

Russell (W. Clark). ABANDONED. 
A MARRIAGE AT SEA. 
MY DANISH SWEETHEART. 
HIS ISLAND PRINCESS. 

Sergeant (Adeline). THE MASTER OF 

BEECHWOOD. 
BARBARA'S MONEY. 
THE YELLOW DIAMOND. 
THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME. 



THE KINS- 



Sidgwick (Mrs. Alfred). 

MAN. 

Surtees (R. S.). HANDLEY CROSS. 
MR. SPONGE'S SPORTING TOUR. 
ASK MAMMA. 

Walford (Mrs. L. B.). MR. SMITH. 

COUSINS. 

THE BABY'S GRANDMOTHER. 

TROUBLESOME DAUGHTERS. 

Wallace (General Lew). BEN-HUR. 
THE FAIR GOD. 

Watson(H. B. Marriott). THE ADVEN- 
TURERS. 

■Weekes (A. B.). PRISONERS OF WAR. 
Wells (H. G.). THE SEA LADY. 
White (Percy). A PASSIONATE 
PILGRIM.